Upon the listing and raising Armies against the King
The Burden of Civil Conflict
The King laments the necessity of civil war and the injustice of being forced to defend his life against his own subjects.
I find I'm in the same position and posture I was when they forced me to leave Whitehall: what riots couldn't do, an army must—and an army is only riots raised and enrolled into better order, but with as bad an end. My withdrawal has given them confidence that I may be conquered.1 And so, as far as any outward strength is concerned, I easily may be conquered—and that strength, God knows, is little or none at all. But I have a soul invincible through God's grace enabling me; here I'm sure to be the conqueror, if God will give me such a measure of constancy as to fear him more than man, and to love the inward peace of my conscience more than any outward tranquillity.✦2 And must I be opposed by force because they have no reason by which to convince me? O my soul! Be of good courage: they confess their known weakness as to truth and justice—those who chose rather to contend by armies than by arguments.✦3 Is this the reward and thanks I'm to receive for the many acts of grace I've lately granted, and for the many indignities I've endured?4 Is there no way left to make me a glorious King except through my sufferings? It's a difficult and debatable choice for a king who loves his people and wants their love: either to kill his own subjects or to be killed by them. Are the hazards and miseries of civil war in the heart of my most flourishing kingdom the fruits I must now reap after seventeen years of living and reigning among them with such a measure of justice, peace, plenty, and religion that all the nations around either admired or envied?✦5 This is despite some failures in government, which may have come about more through the bad counsel of some men pushing their private agendas, or the peevishness of others resenting that public affairs should be managed without them, or the hidden and insurmountable necessities of state, than through any inclination of my own—I hope—toward injustice or oppression.6 Whose innocent blood have I shed during my reign to satisfy my lust, anger, or greed? What widows' or orphans' tears can testify against me—tears whose just cry must now be avenged with my own blood? For the hazards of war fall equally on all, and the cannon shows no respect of persons.✦7 It's useless for my person to be exempted by a mere parenthesis of words, when so many hands are armed against me with swords.8
The Pretext of Parliamentary Justice
The King defends his actions against accusations of obstructing justice, arguing that parliamentary tumults and factionalism are the true causes of the conflict.
God knows how carefully I've studied to see what grounds of justice are alleged for this war against me, so that by offering just satisfaction I might either prevent or quickly end such an unnatural conflict—which to many people seems more the product of a surfeit of peace and a wanton mind, or of private grievances, ambition, and faction (which easily find or invent excuses for a quarrel), than of any real obstruction of public justice or parliamentary privilege. But this is just a pretense, and I must be able to clear myself of it and answer for it before God in my own conscience—no matter how unwilling some people are to believe me, for fear they might condemn themselves.910 When I first withdrew from Whitehall, to see if I could calm the insolence of the tumults (for not suppressing them, no account in reason can be given—when an orderly Guard had been granted—except only to oppress both my freedom and that of the Two Houses to declare and vote according to every man's conscience), what further obstructions of Justice were there than this: that what seemed just to one man might not seem so to another? Who did I use my power to protect from the justice of Parliament? That some men withdrew—men who feared bias in their trial (warned by the death of my Lord of Strafford) while the common crowd threatened to become their oppressors and the judges of their judges—came from that instinct in every creature to preserve itself. If any others refused to appear where they could clearly see the course of justice and freedom so blocked and disturbed by the rabble that their lawful judges either dared not come to the House, or dared not declare their judgment with freedom and safety, that cannot seem strange to any reasonable person, when merely exposing them to public hatred was enough to ruin them before their case could be heard or tried.11 If factious tumults hadn't overpowered the freedom and honor of the two Houses—if the Houses had asserted their justice against those tumults and opened the way for all the members to come quietly and declare their consciences—I know no man so dear to me that I would have had the least inclination to advise him either to withdraw or to refuse to appear on their summons; and to their sentence according to law, I think every subject is bound to stand.12 Disorders had truly grown so severe, due to a failure to curb the common people's insolence in time, that the greatest guilt of those targeted and labeled as delinquents was simply this: they refused to be intimidated by the mobs and their leaders, nor would they be forced to support—by their votes or their presence—the schemes of those men who were inciting chaos and ruin in both Church and State. On this point I couldn't help approving their noble steadfastness and caution; beyond that, I never allowed any man's obstinate defiance of the Privileges and Orders of the Houses, to whom I wished nothing more than safety, fullness, and freedom. But the truth is, some men—and those not many—despairing of winning the agreement of the majority of Lords and Commons by fair and parliamentary means, through free deliberations and votes, turned instead (by the desperate activity of factious tumults) to sift out and terrify away all those members they saw as of a contrary mind to their purposes. How often was the business of the bishops keeping their ancient positions and undisputed privileges in the House of Lords supported by the vast majority of the peers? Yet after five rejections, contrary to all order and custom, it was forced through again by tumultuous instigation, and carried by a few when most of the peers had been forced to stay away. It was the same with the Root and Branch Bill, which was forced through by loud public outcry and schismatic intimidation; it could never have passed if both Houses hadn't been sufficiently thinned out and overawed. My conscience, guided by reason, justice, and religion, forbids me from consenting to turn their votes into Acts of Parliament. Yet, I am now being pressured by an army to either risk my own ruin and the ruin of my kingdoms by defending myself, or to surrender my conscience to the blind obedience of those men whose zealous superstition thinks—or pretends—that they cannot do God and the Church a greater service than to utterly destroy that primitive, apostolic, and anciently universal government of the Church by bishops.
Conscience and the Church
The King explains how his conscience and coronation oath regarding the Church prevent him from yielding to the demands of those who seek to destroy episcopacy.
If other men's judgments bind them to uphold it, or forbid them to consent to abolishing it, mine binds me even more—for beyond the reasons I have in my own judgment, I also have a most strict and indispensable oath upon my conscience to preserve that Order and the rights of the Church. If I were ever to give my consent and be led into that most sacrilegious and abhorred perjury, so utterly unfitting for a Christian king, I would count it an infinitely greater misery than any that has befallen me or ever could—inasmuch as the least sin has more evil in it than the greatest affliction. Had I gratified their anti-episcopal faction at the outset on this point with my consent, and sacrificed the Church's government and revenues to the fury of their greed, ambition, and revenge, I believe they would then have found no plausible need to raise an army to round up and punish so-called delinquents.13 That I consented to the bill putting the bishops out of the House of Peers was done with a firm conviction of their willingness to accept a present reduction in their rights and honor for my sake and the commonwealth's — which I was confident they would readily yield rather than, by the least obstruction on their part, occasion any dangers to me or to my kingdom. That I cannot add my consent to the total extirpation of that government (which I have often offered to every fitting regulation) has so much further hold on my conscience, because what I believe is religious and apostolic — and so very sacred and divine — is not to be set aside or destroyed, whereas what is only of civil favor and privilege of honor granted to men of that order may, with the consent of those concerned in it, be annulled.14 This is the true state of those obstructions they claimed stood in the way of justice and the authority of Parliament. I call God to witness: I know of none of such consequence as would be worth speaking of a war—only those that justice, reason, and religion had set in my own conscience and in other men's consciences. Later, a great show of delinquents was made, but they were only the necessary consequences of my withdrawing—or others' withdrawing—from violence, or of defending against it. Those could not have been the original reason for raising an army against me. I was so far from forestalling them—as they have often claimed, so they might seem to have the advantage and justice of the defensive side, and load me with all the blame and injuries of striking first—that (God knows) I didn't even have the hope of an army in my thoughts.15 Had the tumults been honorably and effectively put down by exemplary justice, and the liberty of the Houses so vindicated that every member of either House might, with the honor and freedom fitting such a Senate, have come and discharged their consciences, I would have obtained all I intended by my withdrawing, and would have returned much more willingly and quickly than I retired—this being my necessity driving me, the other my choice desiring.16 But some knew I was likely to bring with me the same judgment and constancy I always carried, which would never fit their designs. So, while they invited me to come and bitterly complained of my absence, they couldn't help being pleased with it—especially once they had found those plausible and popular pretexts for raising an army to bring in delinquents. All that time, they never punished the greatest and most intolerable delinquency of the tumults and of those who stirred them up, which drove me, and so many members of both Houses, from their places through the most barbarous indignities. Yet, by every measure of reason and honor, those members were as reluctant to abandon their places as the others were eager for them to do so, so that they might have occasion to persecute them with the injuries of an army for not enduring more tamely the injuries of the tumults. That this is the true state of the case, and the first aim and design in raising an army against me, is made so clear by what followed that all other pretenses vanish. For when they declared by propositions or treaties what they would need to be satisfied, nothing of any real importance was offered to me, or demanded of me, as any original difference on any point of law or order of justice. But among other lesser innovations, this was chiefly urged: the abolition of episcopal government and the establishment of Presbyterian government.17 Everything else ever proposed was either irrelevant as any ground for war, or easily granted by me and only put in to pad the list; or else it was merely secondary and accessory, raised after they had unjustly begun the war. I cannot stop other men's thoughts—men whom the noise and show of piety, and the heat of Reformation and religion, might easily so fill with prejudice that all fairness and clarity of judgment might be blocked. But this was, and still is, as far as I can best observe, the true state of affairs between us when they first raised an army with this design: either to silence me or to force my consent. And in this truth, as concerns my conscience—for I was, God knows, as far from contemplating a war as I was, in the world's eyes, from having any preparation for one—I find this comfort: that in the midst of all the unfortunate outcomes of this war on my side, I do not think my innocence at all damaged or darkened; nor am I without that integrity and peace before God that lets me, with humble confidence, address my prayer to Him.1819
A Prayer for Mercy and Forgiveness
The King concludes with a prayer, committing his cause to God and asking for forgiveness for his enemies.
For you, O Lord, see clearly through all the cloudings of human affairs: you judge without prejudice: your omniscience eternally guides your unerring judgment. O my God, the proud have risen against me, and the assemblies of violent men have sought after my soul, and they have not set You before their eyes.✦ Look at my enemies, Lord, for there are many of them, and they hate me with a deadly hatred, for no reason at all.✦ You know I had no passion, design, or preparation to plunge my kingdoms into a civil war—something I had the least temptation to do, knowing I had more to risk than anyone and the least to gain from it. You, O Lord, are my witness how often I have lamented it and worked hard to avert the necessity of this war—so that I can hardly be thought so recklessly thirsty for my subjects' blood as to risk my own life, which I have often been forced to do in this unhappy war, and which would be better spent to save my people than to destroy them. O Lord, I need so much of your grace and patience to endure the many afflictions you have allowed some men to bring upon me; but I need even more to bear the unjust reproaches of those who, not content that I suffer most from the war, insist on persuading the world that I started it, or gave just cause for it to begin. Some men's false tongues are so bold that they would almost make me suspect my own innocence. Yes, I could even be willing—at least by my silence—to take so great a guilt upon myself before men, if by that I might calm my enemies' malice and redeem my people from this miserable war; since you, O Lord, know my innocence in this. You will find out bloody and deceitful men—many of whom have not lived out half their days, in which they promised themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked schemes. Save, O Lord, your servant, as you have until now, and in your own time scatter those who delight in war. Arise, O Lord; lift yourself up because of the rage of my enemies, which increases more and more. Look at those who have conceived mischief, labored with iniquity, and brought forth falsehood.20 You know the chief design of this war is either to destroy my person, or to force my judgment and make me renounce my conscience and your truth.21 I am driven to reverse David's choice, and I would rather fall into the hands of men by refusing them—even though their mercy is cruel—than fall into Your hands by sinning against my conscience, and in that against You, who are a consuming fire. It is better that they destroy me than that You should damn me.22 Be the defense of my soul, you who will save the upright in heart.✦ If nothing but my blood will satisfy my enemies, or quench the flames of my kingdoms, or your temporal justice, I am content, if it is your will, that it be shed by my own subjects' hands. But O, let my blood—though I am their King, yet a sinner—be washed with the blood of my innocent and peace-making Redeemer; for in that blood your justice will find not only a temporary expiation, but an eternal, complete satisfaction, both for my sins and for the sins of my people; whom I beg you still to claim as your own, and when your wrath is appeased by my death, O remember your great mercies toward them, and forgive them!✦23 O my Father, for they don't know what they are doing.✦
Read the original Latin
I find that I am at the same point and posture I was, when they forced me to leave White-hall: what tumults could not do, an Army must; which is but Tumults lifted, and enrolled to a better order, but as bad an end: My recesse have given them confidence that I may be conquered.
And so I easily may as to any outward strength, which, God knows, is little or none at all: But I have a Soul invinciable through Gods Grace enabling Me; here I am sure to be Conquerour, if God will give me such a measure of Constancy, as to fear him more then man: and to love the inward peace of my Conscience, before any outward tranquillity.
And must I be opposed with force, because they have not reason whereby to convince me? O my Soule! be of good courage, they confesse their known weaknesse, as to truth, and Justice, who chose rather to contend by Armies, then by Arguments.
Is this the reward and thanks that I am to receive for those many acts of Grace I have lately passed, and for those many Indignities I have endured? Is there no way left to make Me a glorious KING, but by my sufferings?
It is a hard and disputable choice for a King that loves his People, and desires their love, either to kill his own Subjects, or to be killed by them.
Are the hazards and miseries of Civil War in the bowels of my most flourishing Kingdom, the fruits I must now reap after 17 yeers living and reigning among them with such a measure of Justice, Peace, Plenty, and Religion, as all Nations about either admired, or envied? notwithstanding some miscarriages in Government, which might escape, rather through ill counsell of some men driving on their private ends, or the peevishness of others envying the Publick should be managed without them, or the hidden and insuperable necessities of State, then any propensity, I hope, of my Self either to injuriousnesse or oppression.
Whose innocent bloud, during my Reign, have I shed, to satisfie my lust, anger, or covetousness? what Widows or Orphans tears can witnesse against me; the just cry of which must now be avenged with my Own bloud? For the hazards of War are equall, nor doth the Canon know any respect of persons.
In vain is my Person excepted by a Parenthesis of words, when so many hands are armed against me with Swords.
God knowes how much I have studied to see what Ground of Justice is alledged for this Warr against Me; that so I might (by giving just satisfaction) either prevent, or soon end so unnaturall a motion; which (to many men) seems rather the productions of a surfeit of peace and wantonness of mindes, or of private discontents, Ambition and Faction (which easily finde, or make causes of quarrell) then any reall obstructions of publique Justice, or Parliamentary Priviledg.
But this is pretended, and this I must be able to avoid and answer before God in My owne Conscience, however some men are not willing to beleeve Me, lest they should condemn themselves.
When I first with-drew from White-hall, to see if I could allay the insolency of the Tumults (for the not suppressing of which, no account in Reason can be given, (where an orderly Guard was granted) but only to oppress both Mine and the Two Houses freedome of declaring and voting according to every mans Conscience) what obstructions of Justice were there further then this, that what seemed just to one man, might not seem so to another?
Whom did I by power protect against the Justice of Parliament?
That some men with-drew, who feared the partiality of their tryall, (warned by my Lord of Straffords death) while the vulgar threatned to be their Oppressors, and Judgers of their Judges, was from that instinct which is in all creatures to preserve themselves. If any others refused to appear, where they evidently saw the current of Justice and Freedom so stopped and troubled by the Rabble, that their lawfull Judges either durst not come to the House, or not declare their sense with liberty and safety; it cannot seem strange to any reasonable man, when the sole exposing them to publick odium was enough to ruine them before their Cause could be heard or tryed.
Had not factious Tumults over-born the Freedom and Honour of the two Houses, had they asserted their Justice against them, and made the way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their Consciences: I know no man so deer to Me, whom I had the least inclination to advise, either to withdraw himself, or deny appearing upon their Summons, to whose Sentence according to Law, I think every Subject bound to stand.
Distempers (indeed) were risen to so great a height for want of timely suppressing the vulgar insolencies, that the greatest guilt of those which were Voted and demanded as Delinquents, was this, That they would not suffer themselves to be over-awed by the Tumults, and their Patrons; nor compelled to abet by their suffrages, or presence; the designes of those men who agitated innovations and ruine both in Church and State.
In this point I could not but approve their generous constancie and cautiousness; further then this I did never allow any mans refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses; to whom I wished nothing more then Safetie, Fulness and Freedom.
But the truth is, some men and those not many, despairing in fair and Parliamentary waies by free Deliberations and Votes to gain the concurrence of the major part of Lords and Commons, betook themselves (by the desperate activitie of factious Tumults) to sift and terrifie away all those Members whom they saw to be of contrary minds to their purposes.
How oft was the businesse of the Bishops enjoying their ancient places, and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers, carried for them by far the Major part of Lords? Yet after five repulses, contrary to all Order and Custome, it was by Tumultuary instigations obtruded again, and by a few carried, when most of the Peers were forced to absent themselves.
In like manner as the Bill against Root and Branch, brought on by tumultuary Clamours, and schismaticall Terrours, which could never passe til both Houses were sufficiently thinned and over-awed.
To which partialitie, while in all Reason, Justice, and Religion, my Conscience forbids me, by consenting, to make up their Votes to Acts of Parliament, I must now be urged with an Armie, and constrained either to hazard my Own, and my Kingdoms ruine, by my Defence, or prostrate my Conscience to the blinde obedience of those men, whose zealous superstition thinks, or pretends, they cannot do God and the Church a greater service, then utterly to destroy that Primitive, Apostolicall, and anciently Universall Government of the Church by Bishops.
Which, if other mens judgments bind them to maintain, or forbids them to consent to the abolishing of it, mine much more; who, besides the grounds I have in my judgement, have also a most strict and indispensable Oath upon my Conscience, to preserve that Order, and the Rights of the Church; to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjurie, most un-beseeming a Christian King, should I ever, by giving my consent, be betrayed, I should account it infinitely greater miserie, then any hath, or can befall me; in as much as the least sin hath more evill in it then the greatest affliction. Had I gratified their Anti-Episcopall Faction at first in this point with my Consent, and sacrificed the Ecclesiasticall Government and Revenues to the fury of their covetousness, ambition, and revenge, I beleeve they would then have found no colourable necessity of raising an Army to fetch in and punish Delinquents.
That I consented to the Bil of putting the Bishops out of the House of Peers, was done with a firm perswasion of their contentedness to suffer a present diminution in their Rights and Honour for my sake, and the Commonweals, which I was confident they would readily yeeld unto, rather then occasion (by the least obstruction on their part) any dangers to Me, or to my Kingdom. That I cannot add my consent for the totall extirpation of that Government (which I have often offered to all fit regulations) hath so much further tie upon My Conscience, as what I think Religious and Apostolicall, and so very sacred and Divine, is not to be dispensed with, or destroyed, when what is onely of civill Favour, and priviledge of Honour granted to men of that Order, may with their consent who are concerned in it, be annulled.
This is the true state of those obstructions pretended to be in point of Justice and Authority of Parliament; when I call God to witness, I know none of such consequence as was worth speaking of a War, being onely such as Justice, Reason and Religion had made in my own and other mens Consciences.
Afterwards indeed a great shew of Delinquents was made, which were but consequences necessarily following upon Mine, or others withdrawing from, or defence against violence: but those could not be the first occasion of raising an Army against Me. Wherein I was so far from preventing them, (as they have declared often, that they might seem to have the advantage and Justice of the defensive part, and load Me with all the envie and injuries of first assaulting them) that (God knows) I had not so much as any hopes of an Army in My thoughts. Had the Tumults been honourably and effectually repressed by exemplary justice, and the Liberty of the Houses so vindicated, that all Members of either House might with Honour and Freedom, becoming such a Senate, have come and discharged their Consciences, I had obtained all that I designed by My withdrawing, and had much more willingly and speedily returned, then I retired; this being My necessity driving, the other my choice desiring.
But some men knew, I was like to bring the same Judgment and Constancy which I carryed with Me, which would never fit their designes; and so while they invited Me to come, and grievously complained of My absence, yet they could not but be pleased with it: especially, when they had found out that plausible and popular pretexts of raising an Army to fetch in Delinquents: when all that while they never punished the greatest and most intolerable delinquencie of the Tumults, and their Exciters, which drave my Self, and so many of both Houses from their places, by most barbarous indignities; which yet in all Reason and Honour, they were as loath to have deserted, as those others were willing they should, that so they might have occasion to persecute them with the injuries of an Army, for not suffering more tamely the injuries of Tumults.
That this is the true state, and first drift and designe in raising an Army against me, is by the sequel so evident, that all other pretences vanish. For when they declared by Propositions, or Treaties, what they would have to appease them; there was nothing of consequence offered to Mee, or demanded of Mee, as any originall difference in any point of Law, or order of Justice. But among other lesser Innovations, this chiefly was urged, The Abolition of Episcopall, and the Establishment of Presbyterian Government.
All other things at any time propounded were either impertinent as to any ground of a War, or easily granted by me, and onely to make up a number; or else they were meerly consequentiall, and accessarie, after the War was by them unjustly began.
I cannot hinder other mens thoughts, whom the noise and shew of piety, and heat of Reformation and Religion, might easily so fill with prejudice, that all equality and clearness of judgement might be obstructed. But this was, and is, as to my best observation, the true state of affairs between Us, when they first raised an Armie, with this designe, either to stop my mouth, or to force my consent: and in this truth, as to my conscience, (who was God knowes, as far from meditating a War, as I was in the eye of the world, from having any preparation for one) I finde that comfort, that in the midst of all the unfortunate Successes of this War, on my side, I do not think my Innocency any whit prejudiced or darkned; Nor am I without that Integrity and Peace before God, as with humble confidence to address my Prayer to Him.
For thou, O Lord, seest cleerly thorow all the cloudings of humane affairs: Thou judgest without prejudice: Thy Omniscience eternally guides thy unerrable Judgment.
O my God, the proud are risen against Me, and the Assemblies of violent men have sought after my Soul, and have not set Thee before their eyes.
Consider mine Enemies, O Lord, for they are many, and they hate me with a deadly hatred, without a cause.
For thou knowest, I had no passion, design, or preparation to embroil My Kingdoms in a Civil War; whereto I had least temptation; as knowing I must adventure more then any, and could gain least of any by it.
Thou, O Lord, art my witness, how oft I have deplored and studied to divert the necessity thereof, wherin I cannot well be thought so prodigally thirstie of my Subjects blood, as to venture my own life, which I have bin oft compelled to do in this unhappie War; and which were better spent to save then to destroy my people.
O Lord, I need much of thy grace, with patience to bear the many afflictions thou hast suffered some men to bring upon me; but much more to bear the unjust reproaches of those, who not content that I suffer most by the War, will needs perswade the world that I have raised first, or given just cause to raise it.
The confidence of some mens false tongues is such, that they would almost make me suspect my own innocencie: Yea, I could be content (at least by my silence) to take upon me so great a guilt before men, If by that I might allay the malice of mine enemies, and redeem my people from this miserable War; since thou, O Lord, knowest my innocencie in this thing.
Thou wilt find out bloodie and deceitful men; many of whom have not lived out half their daies, in which they promised themselvs the enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked Counsels.
Save, O Lord, thy servant, as hitherto thou hast, and in thy due time scatter the people that delight in War.
Arise, O Lord, lift up thy Self, because of the rage of mine enemies, which increaseth more and more. Behold them that have conceived mischief, travelled with iniquitie, and brought forth falshood.
Thou knowest the chief designe of this War is, either to destroy my Person, or force my Judgement, and to make me renege my Conscience, and thy Truth.
I am driven to crosse DAVIDS choice, and desire rather to fall into the hands of men by denying them (though their mercie be cruell) then into thy hands by sinning against My Conscience, and in that against thee, who art a consuming fire: Better they destroy Me, then thou shouldest damn Me.
Be thou the defence of My soul, who wilt save the upright in heart.
If nothing but My blood will satisfie My Enemies, or quench the flames of My Kingdoms, or thy temporall Justice, I am content, if it be thy will, that it be shed by mine own Subjects hands.
But O let the bloud of Me, though their King, yet a sinner, be washed with the blood of my Innocent cent and peace-making Redeemer, for in that thy Justice will finde not only a temporary expiation, but an eternall plenary satisfaction, both for my sins, and the sins of my People; whom I beseech thee still own for thine, and when thy wrath is appeased by my Death, O Remember thy great mercies towards them, and forgive them! O my Father, for they know not what they doe.
Scripture echoes
- ↩Matt.10.28;Luke.12.4-Luke.12.5 — And do not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill the soul; rather, fear the one who can destroy both soul and body in Gehenna. Luke.12.4 — But I say to you, my friends: Do not fear those who kill the body, and after that have nothing more they can do. Luke.12.5 — But I will show you whom to fear: fear the one who, after he has killed, has authority to cast into hell. Yes, I tell you, fear him.
- ↩Deut.31.6;Josh.1.9;Ps.27.14 — Be strong and courageous. Do not fear or be dismayed before them, for the LORD your God is the one who goes with you. He will not fail you or forsake you. Josh.1.9 — Have I not commanded you? Be strong and courageous. Do not be terrified, and do not be dismayed, for the LORD your God is with you wherever you go. Ps.27.14 — Wait for the LORD; be strong, and let your heart take courage; wait for the LORD.
- ↩Gal.6.7 — Do not be deceived: God is not mocked. For whatever a man sows, that he will also reap.
- ↩Acts.10.34;Rom.2.11;Deut.10.17 — Then Peter opened his mouth and said, "Truly I understand that God is not one who shows partiality. Rom.2.11 — For there is no partiality with God. Deut.10.17 — For the LORD your God is God of gods and Lord of lords, the great God, mighty and awesome, who shows no partiality and accepts no bribes.
- ↩Ps.86.14 — God, the insolent have risen against me, and a company of ruthless men have sought my life; they have not set you before them.
- ↩Ps.25.19;Ps.69.4 — Look at my enemies, for they are many, and they hate me with violent hatred. Ps.69.4 — I am weary with my calling out; my throat is parched; my eyes fail, waiting for my God.
- ↩Ps.7.10 — Let the evil of the wicked come to an end, and establish the righteous one — the One who tests hearts and kidneys, O righteous God.
- ↩1John.1.7;Rev.1.5;Col.1.20;Eph.2.13-Eph.2.16 — But if we walk in the light, as he himself is in the light, we have fellowship with one another, and the blood of Jesus his Son cleanses us from all sin. Rev.1.5 — and from Jesus Christ, the faithful witness, the firstborn of the dead, and the ruler of the kings of the earth — to him who loves us and has freed us from our sins by his blood, Col.1.20 — and through him to reconcile all things to himself, having made peace through the blood of his cross — through him, whether things on earth or things in the heavens. Eph.2.13 — But now in Christ Jesus, you who once were far off have been brought near by the blood of Christ. Eph.2.14 — For he himself is our peace, who made both one and broke down the dividing wall of hostility Eph.2.15 — by abolishing in his flesh the law of commandments expressed in decrees, so that he might create in himself one new man in place of the two, making peace Eph.2.16 — and might reconcile both in one body to God through the cross, having put to death the enmity in himself.
- ↩Luke.23.34 — Jesus was saying, "Father, forgive them, for they do not know what they are doing." And they divided his garments by casting lots.
Notes
- 1 ↩Early modern 'recesse' means the king's withdrawal/retreat (his forced absence from Whitehall), not a parliamentary recess.
- 2 ↩Source has elliptical 'I easily may' continuing the previous sentence's 'that I may be conquered'; the verb is restored for sense. Period spellings 'invinciable', 'Conquerour', and comparative 'then' are normalized to invincible, conqueror, and than.
- 3 ↩Source 'then' is the early-modern spelling of comparative 'than' (armies rather than arguments), not temporal 'then'.
- 4 ↩Early modern 'passed' for royal/parliamentary acts of grace means granted or enacted, not merely undergone; rendered as 'granted' to keep that sense clear.
- 5 ↩Early modern 'bowels' is rendered as 'heart' for the kingdom's interior; the anatomical metaphor is kept only as spatial depth of the realm, not as modern medical language.
- 6 ↩Source 'then' is the early modern spelling of comparative 'than' and is rendered accordingly; 'miscarriages' is rendered as 'failures' (not the modern medical sense); 'injuriousnesse' as 'injustice'.
- 7 ↩Source 'Canon' is read as artillery 'cannon' (common early modern spelling), not ecclesiastical canon; the military sense fits 'hazards of War' and the claim that weapons ignore rank.
- 8 ↩Early modern 'excepted' here means nominally set apart or shielded as an exception; rendered as 'exempted' to keep that legal-verbal force against the physical threat of armed hands.
- 9 ↩17th-c. 'pretended' can mean 'alleged' or 'put forward as a claim/pretext'; rendered as 'only pretence' to keep the pejorative force without modern 'pretend' (make-believe).
- 10 ↩Legal-devotional pairing: 'avoid' = clear/void the charge; 'answer' = give account. Modernized as 'clear myself of it and answer for it.'
- 11 ↩Early modern 'sense' here means their considered judgment or opinion in the House, not mere feeling; rendered as 'judgment'.
- 12 ↩Source 'deer' is early-modern spelling of 'dear' (beloved/valued), not the animal; rendered as 'dear'.
- 13 ↩colourable necessity rendered as plausible need (specious/pretextual necessity). Delinquents kept as period political label for those Parliament branded offenders; so-called marks the contested charge without inventing a different term.
- 14 ↩Source contrasts ecclesiastical government as religious/apostolic (not dispensable) with civil favor and honor-privilege (annullable with consent). 'Dispensed with' is rendered 'set aside' in the modern sense of waived or relaxed, not merely ignored.
- 15 ↩Early modern 'preventing' here means anticipating or forestalling (acting first), not stopping; rendered as 'forestalling' to keep that sense.
- 16 ↩Source 'then I retired' is the early modern spelling of 'than'; rendered as comparative 'than'.
- 17 ↩Source reads 'Episcopall' elliptically before 'and the Establishment of Presbyterian Government'; rendered as 'episcopal government' by parallel with the following phrase.
- 18 ↩Source "unfortunate Successes" retains the older sense of successive outcomes/fortunes of the war, not victories; rendered as "unfortunate outcomes."
- 19 ↩Parenthetical "who was God knowes..." is taken as self-reference (the speaker), not as personifying conscience, matching the parallel "as I was in the eye of the world."
- 20 ↩Source 'travelled with iniquitie' is the early-modern birth-labor sense (travailed), not journeying; rendered as 'labored' to keep the conceive / labor / bring-forth metaphor.
- 21 ↩Source 'renege' is early modern for renounce/deny (renegare), not the later card-game sense of defaulting on a promise; rendered as 'renounce'.
- 22 ↩"Cross David's choice" alludes to 2 Samuel 24:14, where David prefers to fall into the Lord's hands rather than men's; Charles is forced into the opposite preference: human hands by refusal of their demands, rather than God's hands by sin against conscience.
- 23 ↩Source reading "Innocent cent and peace-making Redeemer" looks corrupt; translated as the intended "Innocent and peace-making Redeemer" (the adjacent "and" already present makes "cent" the likely intrusion/error).
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