Upon His Majesty's retirement from Westminster
The Necessity of Withdrawal
The King reflects on the tumults that forced his departure from Westminster and the impossibility of governing under coercion.
Let those judge how unwillingly I left Westminster who have been forced out to sea by a storm without gear or provisions; yet it's better to do that than to risk splitting or sinking on a lee shore. I stayed at Whitehall until I was driven away by shame more than fear, at seeing the barbarous rudeness of those tumults who had resolved they would be bold enough to demand anything, and leave neither myself nor the members of Parliament free to use our reason and conscience to refuse them anything.1 Nor was this intolerable oppression my case alone (though it was chiefly mine). For the Lords and Commons might be content to be outvoted by the majority of their Houses, once each had used their own freedom. Their votes didn't, by any law or reason, settle my judgment; nor can they include or carry my consent, since they don't represent me in any way. I'm not bound to agree with the votes of both Houses any further than I see them align with the will of God, my just rights as a king, and the general good of my people.2 I see that, being many men, they are seldom of one mind; and I may often see that the majority of them are not in the right. I had already made clear to sober and moderate minds how eager I was to give every just satisfaction when I agreed to so many bills—which would have been enough to secure and satisfy everyone, if some men's hydropic insatiability had not learned to thirst the more the more they drank. No fountain of royal bounty could overcome them: they seemed so resolved either to drain it dry or barbarously to block it.3 Certainly, it ceases to be counsel when reason is not used, as with men, to persuade, but force and terror are used, as with beasts, to drive and compel people to assent to whatever tumultuous patrons may propose.
The Sovereignty of Conscience
The King asserts that his royal duty and personal conscience are not subject to the arbitrary demands of others.
Anyone who is content to have the rational sovereignty of his soul, and the liberty of his will and words, so captive deserves to be a slave without pity or redemption.4 I don't consider my kingdoms so important that I would keep them by forfeiting the freedom that cannot be denied me as a king, because it belongs to me as a man and a Christian—acknowledging no commands above me except God's, as binding me to consent. It's better for me to die enjoying this empire of my soul, which subjects me only to God as far as he directs me through reason or religion, than to live with the title of a king if that title carries such vassalage that I'm not allowed to use my reason and conscience—the faculties by which, as a king, I declare what I approve or disapprove.5 I am so far from thinking that the majesty of the Crown of England is bound by any Coronation Oath, in a blind and brutish formality, to consent to whatever its subjects in Parliament shall require—as some men insist on inferring—that while they deny me any power of a negative voice as King, they are not ashamed to try to strip me of the liberty to use my reason with a good conscience, a liberty which they themselves, and all the Commons of England, enjoy in proportion to their influence on public affairs; and they would take it very badly if they were pressed not to refuse whatever I myself, as King, or the House of Peers with me, should not merely desire but enjoin them to pass.6 I believe my Oath is fully discharged on that point by my governing only by such laws as my people, with the House of Peers, have chosen and I have consented to. I will never consider myself bound in conscience to go against my conscience as often as I would have to if I consented to such new proposals, which my reason, in justice, honor, and religion, bids me deny. Yet I see some men are so sensitive about being subject to arbitrary government—that is, the law of another person's will, to which they themselves give no consent—that they don't care how much dishonor and absurdity they create by making their King the only man who must be subject to the will of others, with no power left him to use his own reason, either in person or through any other representative. And even if my disagreements at any time were (as some have suspected and uncharitably claimed) out of error, mere opinion, restless activity, weakness, or willfulness—and what they call obstinacy in me (which is not true judgment of things, but some fierce prejudice or passion fixed on my mind)—still, no one can think it anything but the badge and method of slavery to try, by savage rudeness and the aggressive forcing of violence, to dispel the mist of a man's error and passion, which is only a shadow of reason and must serve those who lack the substance.7 Surely a man cannot be blameworthy before God or man if he seriously tries to see the best reason for things and faithfully follows what he takes to be reasonable. The uprightness of his intentions will excuse any possible failings in his understanding. If a pilot at sea cannot see the North Star, it’s no fault of his to steer his course by whatever stars are best visible to him. It actually shows that those who call in the help of mere force to support their weak counsel and proposals are conscious of their own lack of reason and convincing arguments. I can, in the truth and uprightness of my heart, protest before God and men that I never willfully opposed or denied anything fairly proposed to me by the two Houses after full and free debate, beyond what I thought in good reason I might and was bound to do. Nothing ever pleased me more than when my judgment so agreed with theirs that I could consent to them with a good conscience. Indeed, in many matters where what had to be weighed was not absolute moral necessity of reason, but only temporary convenience in point of honor, I chose rather to deny myself than them—preferring what they thought necessary for my people's good over what I saw as merely convenient for myself. For I can be content to give up a great deal of my own interests and personal rights, of which I consider myself master; but in what concerns truth, justice, the right of the Church, and my crown, together with the general good of my kingdoms (all of which I am bound to preserve as far as it morally lies in me), here I am, and always will be, fixed and resolute. No one will gain my consent to anything in which my heart would make a liar of my hand or tongue, nor will I be brought to affirm to men what in my conscience I have denied before God. I would rather choose to wear a crown of thorns with my Savior than exchange the crown of gold that is due to me for one of lead, whose debased flexibility would be forced to bend and yield to the various and often contrary dictates of any factions—when, instead of reason and the public good, they force on me nothing but what serves party interests and flows from the particular whims of private wills and passions.8 I know of no resolutions more worthy of a Christian king than to put his conscience before his kingdoms.
The Burden of the Crown
A prayerful meditation on the King's desire to remain faithful to God and justice despite the suffering of his exile.
O my God, preserve your servant in this natural, rational, and religious freedom; for I believe this is your will, that we should maintain it: you who, though you justly require us to submit our understandings and wills to yours—whose wisdom and goodness can neither err nor misguide us—and so far to deny our carnal reason with regard to your sacred mysteries and commands that we should believe and obey them rather than dispute them, yet expect from us only such a reasonable service of you as not to do anything for you against our consciences; and as to the desires of men, you charge us to try all things by the touchstone of reason and laws, which are the rules of civil justice, and to declare our consent only to what our judgments approve.✦910 You know, Lord, how unwilling I was to leave the place where You had set me, and to which the affairs of my kingdoms were then calling me. My people can witness how far I've been willing, for their good, to deny myself in what you've placed under my disposal. O God, never let the ungrateful pressure and riotous violence of some people's excessive demands betray me into that base and unmanly slavery that would make me strengthen them by my consent in things I believe in my conscience to be against your glory, the good of my subjects, and the discharge of my own duty to reason and justice.11 Make me willing to suffer the greatest indignities and injuries they inflict on me, rather than commit the least sin against my conscience. Let the just liberties of my people be preserved (as they well may be) by fair and equal means, without the slavery of my soul. You who have, by your favors, invested me with the power of a Christian king: do not let me subject my reason to other men's passions and designs, which to me seem unreasonable, unjust, and irreligious. Then I will serve you in the truth and uprightness of my heart, though I cannot satisfy these men. Even though I've been driven out from among them, still give me grace to walk uprightly before you at all times. Lead me in the way of truth and justice, for I know these will bring me at last to peace and happiness with you; though for these I have much trouble among people. This I beg of you for my Savior's sake.
Read the original Latin
With what unwillingness I withdrew from Westminster, let them judg, who, unprovided of tackling and victual, are forced to Sea by a Storm; yet better do so, then venture splitting or sinking on a Lee-shore.
I stayed at Whitehall, till I was driven away by shame, more then fear, to see the barbarous rudeness of those Tumults, who resolved they would take the boldness to demand any thing, and not leave either my Self, or the Members of Parliament the liberty of our Reason and Conscience to deny them any thing.
Nor was this intolerable oppression my case alone, (though chiefly Mine;) For the Lords and Commons might be content to be over-voted by the major part of their Houses, when they had used each their own freedom.
Whose agreeing Votes were not by any Law or reason conclusive to my Judgment; nor can they include, or carry with them my consent, whom they represent not in any kinde; Nor am I further bound to agree with the Votes of both Houses, then I see them agree with the will of God, with my just Rights, as a King, and the generall good of my people. I see that, as many men, they are seldom of one minde; and I may oft see, that the major part of them are not in the right.
I had formerly declared to sober and moderate minds, how desirous I was to give all just content, when I agreed to so many Bils, which had been enough to secure and satisfie all; if some mens Hydropick unsatiableness had not learned to thirst the more, by how much more they drank; whom no fountain of Royall bounty was able to overcome: so resolved they seemed, either utterly to exhaust it, or barbarously to obstruct it.
Sure, it ceases to be Counsell, when not Reason is used, as to men, to perswade; but force and terrour, as to beasts, to drive and compel men to assent to what-ever tumultuary Patrons shall project. He deserves to be a slave without pity or redemption, that is content to have the rationall soveraignty of his Soul, and liberty of his Will and words so captivated.
Nor do I think my Kingdoms so considerable, as to preserve them with the forfeiture of that freedom which cannot be denied me as a King, because it belongs to me as a man, and a Christian, owning the dictates of none, but God to be above me, as obliging me to consent. Better for Me to die enjoying this Empire of my Soul, which Subjects me only to God, so farr as by Reason or Religion he directs me, then live with the Title of a King, if it should carry such a vassalage with it, as not to suffer me to use my Reason and Conscience, in which I declare as a King, to like or dislike.
So farr am I from thinking the majesty of the Crown of England to be bound by any Coronation Oath in a blinde and brutish formalitie, to consent to whatever its subjects in Parliament shall require; as some men will needs inferr; while denying me any power of a Negative voice as King, they are not ashamed to seek to deprive me of the libertie of using my Reason with a good Conscience, which themselves, and all the Commons of England enjoy proportionable to their influence on the publique; who would take it very ill to be urged, not to deny, what ever my self, as King, or the House of Peers with me should, not so much desire as enjoyn them to pass. I think my Oath fully discharged in that point, by my Governing only by such Laws, as my People with the House of Peers have Chosen, and my self have consented to. I shall never think my self conscientiously tied to go as oft against my conscience, as I should consent to such new Proposals, which my Reason, in Justice, Honor and Religion bids Me deny.
Yet so tender I see some men are of their being subject to Arbitrary Government, (that is, the Law of anothers will, to which themselves give no consent) that they care not with how much dishonour and absurdity they make their King the only man, that must be subject to the will of others, without having power left Him to use His own Reason, either in Person, or by any other Representation.
And if My dissentings at any time were (as som have suspected, and uncharitably avowed) out of error, opinion, activeness, weakness, or wilfulness, and what they call Obstinacy in Me (which not true Judgment of things, but some vehement prejudice or passion hath fixed on My minde;) yet can no man think it other then the Badge and method of Slavery, by savage rudeness, and importunate obtrusions of violence, to have the mist of his Errour and Passion dispelled, which is a shadow of Reason, and must serve those that are destitute of the substance. Sure that man cannot be blameable to God or man, who seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things, and faithfully followes what he takes for Reason: The uprightnesse of his intentions will excuse the possible failings of his understanding; If a Pilot at Sea cannot see the Pole-star, it can be no fault in him to steer his course by such Stars as do best appear to him. It argues rather, those men to be conscious of their defects of Reason, and convincing Arguments, who call in the assistance of meer force to carry on the weakness of their Counsels and Proposals. I may, in the truth and uprightness of my heart, protest before God and men, That I never wilfully opposed, or denied any thing that was in a fair way, after full and free debates propounded to me by the two Houses, further then I thought in good reason I might, and was bound to do.
Nor did any thing ever please me more, then when my Judgment so concurred with theirs, that I might with a good Conscience consent to them: Yea, in many things, where not absolute and morall necessity of Reason, but temporary convenience in point of Honour was to be considered, I chose rather to deny my Self, then Them; as preferring that which they thought necessary for my peoples good, before what I saw but convenient for my Self.
For I can be content to recede much from my Own Interests, and Personall Rights, of which I conceive my Self to be master: but in what concerns Truth, Justice, the Right of the Church, and my Crown, together with the generall good of my Kingdoms: (all which I am bound to preserve as much as morally lies in me;) here I am, and ever shall be fixt and resolute, nor shall any man gain my consent to that, wherein my heart gives my hand or tongue the Lie; nor will I be brought to affirm that to men, which in my Conscience I denied before God. I will rather chuse to wear a Crown of Thorns with my Saviour, then to exchange that of Gold (which is due to Me) for one of Lead, whose embased flexibleness shall be forced to bend, and comply to the various, and oft contrary dictates of any Factions: when in stead of Reason, and Publick concernments, they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of parties, and flows from the particularities of private wils and passions.
I know no resolutions more worthy a Christian King, then to prefer His Conscience before His Kingdoms.
O my God preserve thy servant in this Native, Rationall and Religious freedome; For this I beleeve is thy will, that we should maintain: who, though thou dost justly require us to submit our understandings and wils to thine; whose wisdom and goodnesse can neither erre, nor misguide us, and so far to deny our carnall reason, in order to thy sacred Mysteries and Commands, that we should beleeve and obey, rather then dispute them; yet dost thou expect from us, only such a reasonable service of thee, as not to do any thing for thee, against our consciences: and as to the desires of men, enjoinest us to try all things by the touch-ston of reason and Lawes, which are the rules of Civill Justice; and to declare our consents to that only which our Judgments approve.
Thou knowest, ô Lord, how unwilling I was to desert that place, in which thou hast set Me, and whereto the affairs of My Kingdoms at present did call me.
My People can witness how far I have been content for their good, to deny My self, in what thou hast subjected to My disposall.
O let not the unthankfull importunities, and tumultuary violence of some mens Immoderat demands, ever betray Me to that degenerous and unmanly slavery, which should make Me strengthen them by My consent in those things which I think in My conscience to be against thy glory, the good of My subjects, and the discharge of My own duty to Reason and Justice.
Make me willing to suffer the greatest indignities and injuries they press upon Me, rather then commit the least sin against My Conscience.
Let the just Liberties of My people be (as well they may) preserved in fair and equall waies, without the slavery of My soul.
Thou that hast invested Me by thy favours, in the power of a Christian King, suffer Me not to subject My Reason to other mens passions, and designes, which to Me seem unreasonable, unjust and irreligious: So shall I serve thee in the truth and uprightness of My heart, though I cannot satisfie these men.
Though I be driven from among them, yet give Me grace to walk, alwaies uprightly before thee.
Lead Me in the way of Truth and Justice, for these, I know, will bring Me at last to peace and happiness with thee; though for these I have much trouble among men.
This I beg of thee for my Saviours sake.
Scripture echoes
- ↩Rom.12.1 — Therefore I urge you, brothers and sisters, by the mercies of God, to present your bodies as a living sacrifice, holy and acceptable to God, which is your reasonable worship.
Notes
- 1 ↩Source "more then fear" is early-modern spelling for comparative "than," not temporal "then."
- 2 ↩Early modern 'then' is the comparative 'than' ('no further...than I see them agree').
- 3 ↩Hydropick (hydropic): the medical image of dropsy, in which thirst grows worse the more one drinks; here a metaphor for political greed that only hardens with concession.
- 4 ↩Source 'redemption' may mean rescue/buying free from slavery as well as theological deliverance; kept as 'redemption' to preserve both senses and the source's gravity.
- 5 ↩Source 'then' is the Early Modern spelling of comparative 'than' (not temporal then).
- 6 ↩Negative voice: the royal veto / right to refuse assent. Kept as 'negative voice' with natural gloss via context rather than modernizing to 'veto' alone, to preserve the period's constitutional language.
- 7 ↩Source 'activeness' is rendered as 'restless activity' (busy, over-forward engagement); period sense may also shade toward zeal or meddlesome eagerness.
- 8 ↩Source 'embased flexibleness' rendered as 'debased flexibility': the lead crown's cheapened, pliant quality that can be bent to factional pressure, contrasted with gold's rightful hardness.
- 9 ↩Native here means innate/natural (the freedom belonging to our nature), not national origin; rendered natural for clarity.
- 10 ↩Early modern then = than in rather then dispute; in order to = with regard to / in relation to your sacred mysteries and commands, not purpose-clause in order to.
- 11 ↩Source 'degenerous' is archaic for base/ignoble (lacking generous or noble spirit); rendered as 'base' rather than the modern false friend 'ungenerous'.
Eikon Basilike: The Pourtraicture of His Sacred Majestie in His Solitudes and Sufferings companion
A prayer for every moment, already on your phone
Chosen Portion puts a curated historic prayer in front of you each day — so the words are there before the moment arrives.
Chosen Portion is the digital descendant of the carried prayer book: the short daily prayers this collection preserves, delivered one a day to your pocket.
- One short, memorable prayer delivered daily — build your repertoire a card at a time
- Prayers matched to real situations: fear, gratitude, decisions, grief, sleep
- Save favourites into your personal pocket collection you can open anywhere