Liber III, Pars I — Quomodo expediat civitati possessiones esse proprias, et non communes. Cap. XI.
Liber III, Pars I — Quomodo expediat civitati possessiones esse proprias, et non communes. Cap. XI.
It is said that things are common, as the philosopher states. Political. It can be understood in three ways. For in matters concerning sustenance, two things must be considered: namely, fruitful things, such as fields, vineyards, and trees; and the fruit that arises from such things, like grapes, grains, and apples. Therefore, if there is a community among citizens regarding such matters, either there will be common fruitful things, and the fruits will be shared; or the possessions will be private, and the fruits will be gathered together, which in ancient times (as the philosopher recounts) occurred among certain nations; or both the fruitful things and the fruits will be common, as Socrates arranged. For he wanted, as was mentioned earlier, that if nothing were private in the city—neither possessions nor fruits, nor sons nor wives—there would be no dissension in the city. However, this arrangement of Socrates (as the philosopher says) seems very expedient for the city when someone hears that the city is organized in such a way where there is such a great community of citizens; they consider it to be a happy city and believe that the citizens love each other greatly and live without conflict, among whom such a community is observed. But as it is said in the second book of the Politics, in particular actions, one must return to experience: for we are told that having some common things leads to more disputes among themselves than if each possessed their own. We can investigate this in three ways: if the possessions of the citizens were common, more disputes would arise in the city than if they enjoyed their own possessions. The first way is taken from the perspective of common possessions. The second is from the perspective of those sharing in those possessions. The third is from the perspective of the inequality among the citizens. The first way is clear. For when something is common to some, if one is hindered from using and enjoying that common thing because of another, disputes and discord arise among them. For we see that uterine brothers, because of the inheritance they share, have many disputes, while one does not use that inheritance as the other does, and they firmly believe they are connected by such a close kinship; they have many disputes because they share an inheritance: how much more would disputes arise among citizens if everything were common to them, since they are many and of diverse wills. And there would not be such a close bond of kinship among them as there is among uterine brothers. For even if it were as Socrates said, that all citizens believed themselves to be related by the community of women and wives, still, according to the truth of the matter, there wouldn't be such a close kinship among them as there is among uterine brothers. Indeed, that kinship which would exist among them could not be certain or well-known, as has been shown in previous examples. If a certain kinship does not eliminate disputes among a few who share a common inheritance, then much less could it eliminate such disputes among many, as would be the case among all citizens. The second way to investigate this same issue is taken from the perspective of those sharing in a common inheritance. For as much as some have in common, they interact more with each other; but it cannot be that some could interact closely and for a long time without disputes arising among them, especially when they share a common inheritance, as it is shown that most people have disputes and quarrels. Polit. For we are most offended and indignant towards those servants whom we greatly depend on for their administrative duties, and we must have many conversations with them and spend a long time interacting with them. Therefore, if so many disputes arise between masters and their servants due to long-term interactions, how much more would disputes arise among citizens, where one would not want to be subject to another, if they shared a common inheritance and were required to interact closely? The third way is taken from the perspective of the inequality among citizens. For if all citizens had common inheritances, it would be very difficult and very costly to seek such a large number of outsiders who could cultivate such land: it would be better for the city to be divided in such a way that some citizens would cultivate the land, while others would focus on the defense of the city, which Socrates also conceded. Thus, when the guardians of the city are of a higher status than the farmers, they would consider themselves to be receiving more from the fruits of the possessions than those who labor in the fields. Therefore, there would arise discord among them, because the farmers, working harder around the possessions, would receive less of the fruits. Considering, therefore, the frailty of humanity, and having carefully observed that the common people generally deviate from the perfect path, it is beneficial for the city to avoid having common possessions among citizens, as Socrates stated. However, the philosopher's way, if one considers the condition and status of people, is more advantageous for the city: he says that the possessions and goods of citizens should be their own and common, their own in terms of ownership, but common due to the virtue of generosity. Therefore, having carefully examined the human condition, as the common people are generally observant of laws and commendable ordinances, it is beneficial for each person to have their own possessions in terms of ownership: for each owner of private goods will exercise due diligence regarding them. However, it is beneficial for such things to be common according to generosity: because citizens ought to be generous with one another, sharing their own goods with each other. Thus, it is recounted among the Lacedaemonians, as stated in the second book of Politics. Such was their generosity that although anyone could own property in terms of ownership, still, due to their liberality, there were common servants, horses, and dogs for those citizens: for whenever any citizen was in need, he could use another's horses, dogs, and servants without any other request.
Read the original Latin
Esse res communes, ut ait Philosophus 2. Politic. Tripliciter potest intellegi. Nam in rebus deservientibus ad victum est considerare duo: videlicet res fructiferas, ut agros, vineas, arbores: et fructum qui oritur ex talis ut rebus, ut vinea, frumenta, poma. Quare si sit communitas civium erga talia, vel erunt communes res fructiferae, et dividentur fructus: vel possessiones erunt propriae, et fructus redigentur in commune, quod antiquitus (ut recitat Philosophus) apud quasdam nationes fiebat: vel utrunque erit commune tam res fructiferae quam fructus, ut Socrates ordinavit. volebat enim ut superius tangebatur, quod si nihil esset proprium in civitate nec possessiones nec fructus ne filii nec uxores, quod nulla dissensio oriretur in civitate. Videtur autem haec ordinatio Socratis (ut Philosophus ait) superficietenus considerata valde expediens civitati: cum enim quis audit civitatem sic ordinatam esse ubi est tanta communitas civium, reputat eam felicem esse, et existimat cives se maxime diligere, et absque litigio vivere, inter quos tanta communitas observatur. sed ut dicitur secundo Politicorum in actibus particularibus oportet ad experientiam recurrere: exporti enim sumus quod habentes aliqua communia, plura litigia inter se habent, quam si quilibet propria possideret.
Possumus autem triplici via investigare, quod si res civium communes essent, plura litigia in civitate consurgerent, quam si gauderent possessionibus propriis. Prima via sumitur ex parte possessionum communium. Secunda ex parte communicantium in rebus illis. Tertia ex parte imparitatis Civium. Prima via sic patet. nam cum aliquid est commune aliquibus, cum unus ab usu et fructu illius rei communis propter alium impeditur, consurgit lis et discordia inter eos. Videmus enim fratres uterinos propter haereditatem quam communem habent, multa habere litigia, dum unus haereditate illa non utitur prout alteri sunt et firmiter credunt se esse tanta consanguinitate coniunctos, multa habent litigia, quia haereditatem habent communem: quanto magis inter ipsos cives, si omnia eis essent cummunia, multa orirentur litigia, cum ipsi multi sint et diversarum voluntatum. nec sit inter eos tanta coniunctio consanguinitatis, sicut inter uterinos fratres.
nam et si fieret ut Socrates dicebat, quod omnes cives propter communitatem mulierum et uxorum crederent se esse consanguinitate coniunctos; attamen inter eos secundum rei veritatem non esset tanta consanguinitas, sicut inter fratres uterinos. Immo illa consanguinitas, quae inter illos existeret, certa et nota esse non posset, ut in praehabitis probabatur. Si ergo certa consanguinitas non tollit dissensionem paucorum habentium haereditatem communem, multo magis infra huiusmodi dissensionem non posset tollere inter multos, ut inter omnes cives. Secunda via ad investigandum hoc idem, sumitur ex parte communicantium in haereditate communi. nam quanto aliqui plura habent communia, tanto magis ad invicem conversantur: sed eum esse non possit, aliquos valde et diu conversari ad invicem, nisi inter eos litigia oriantur, ex parte ipsorum communicantium in haereditate communi, eo quod oporteat eos valde ad invicem conversari, ostenditur ut plurimum homines habere lites et iurgia propter quod Philosophus ait 2. Polit. quod ab ipsis famulis, quibus plurimum indigemus propter ancillares administrationes, maxime offendimur, et indignamur erga illos, qua oportet nos habere ad illos multa colloquia, et diu conversari cum illis. Quare si inter dominos et famulos quos habent ita subiectos propter diuturnam conversationem tot litigia oriuntur, quanto magis orirentur inter cives quorum unus alteri subesse non vellet, si haberent haereditatem communem, et si oporteret eos valde ad invicem conversari.
Tertia via sumitur, ex parte imparitatis civium. nam si omnibus civibus essent haereditates communes, quia valde difficile esset et valde sumptuosum tantam multitudinem extraneorum quaerere qui possent tantam terram colere: expediret civitati sic dividi, ut aliqui civium terram colerent, aliqui vero insisterent circa custodiam civitatis, quae et Socrates concedebat. cum ergo custodes civitatis nobiliores sint agricolis, tanquam meliores et nobiliores estimarent se plus esse accepturos de fructibus possessionum, quam illi. Insurgeret igitur dissensio inter eos, quia agricolae magis laborantes circa possessiones, minus de fructibus caperent. Considerata ergo infirmitate hominum, et diligenter viso, quod communiter populus a via perfecta deviare, expedit civitati, ne inter cives oriantur diissensiones et iurgia, non sic esse possessiones communes, ut Socrates statuebat. Via autem Philosophi, si consideretur modus et status hominum, est expeditior civitati: ait possessiones et res civium debere esse proprias, et communes, proprias quidem quantum ad dominium, communes vero propter virtutem liberalitatis. Diligenter igitur inspecta humana conditione, prout communiter populus observativus est legum et laudabilium ordinationum, expedit cuilibet habere res et possessiones proprias quantum ad dominium: nam quilibet dominans bonis propriis adhibebit debitam diligentiam circa illa. Expedit autem talia esse communia secundum liberalitatem: quia cives inter se debent liberales esse, communicando sibi invicem propria bona.
Unde et apud Lacedaemones, ut recitatur secundo Politic. tanta erat liberalitas, quod licet quilibet haberet propria bona quantum ad dominium, tamen propter liberalitatem quantum ad usum erant illis civibus communes servi, et equi, et canes: quilibet enim civium cum indigebat, absque aliam requisitione utebatur alterius equis, canibus, et servis.
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