De sa simple honeste
The King's Impartial Justice
Saint Louis demonstrates his commitment to royal justice by holding the powerful Enguerrand de Coucy accountable for his actions despite baronial pressure.
The virtue of justice, which gives everyone their due and safeguards the common good, the blessed Saint Louis practiced openly, as appears in the things that follow. When the nobleman Enguerrand de Coucy had three young nobles hanged—or so people said—who were with the abbot of Saint-Nicolas-aux-Bois in the diocese of Laon, because they were found in his woods with bows and arrows but no dogs or other gear for hunting game, the abbot and some female cousins of the hanged men brought a complaint before the king; the blessed king had Enguerrand summoned before him, once he had conducted a proper inquiry as one should in such a matter. He then had him arrested by his knights and sergeants, taken to the Louvre, imprisoned, and held in a room without irons. While Enguerrand was being held, the blessed king one day had the lord of Coucy brought before him; accompanying him were the king of Navarre, the duke of Burgundy, the counts of Bar, Soissons, Brittany, Blois, and Champagne, along with Archbishop Thomas of Reims, Jean de Thorote, and nearly all the other barons of the realm. Finally, it was proposed on behalf of the lord of Coucy before the blessed king that he wished to take counsel. He then withdrew to a private area with all the noblemen mentioned above, leaving the blessed king there all alone, except for his household. After deliberating for a long time, they returned to the blessed king, and my lord Jean de Thorote spoke on behalf of my lord Enguerrand: he argued that Enguerrand neither should nor would submit to an inquiry in a case like this, as it concerned his person, his honor, and his inheritance. He declared he was ready to defend himself by trial by combat, and he flatly denied that he had hanged the young men mentioned above, or ordered them to be hanged.1 And the said abbot and the said women were there present on the other side before the blessed king, seeking justice. And when the blessed king had carefully heard the counsel of the said my lord Enguerrand, he answered that in the affairs of the poor, of churches, or of persons for whom one ought to have pity, one should not proceed that way by the law of battle; for one would not easily find anyone willing to fight for such kinds of people against the barons of the realm.2 And he said that he was not introducing a novelty against him, since similar things had been done before by the ancestors of the blessed king in like cases.3 And then the blessed king recalled that my lord Philip, king of France, his grandfather, because my lord Jean de Soilly, who was then living, had committed a homicide, as people said, had an inquiry made against him, and held the castle of Soilly for twelve years and more—even though the said castle was not held of the king without an intermediate lord, but was held of the church of Orleans.4 The blessed king denied the request; instead, he immediately had my lord Enguerrand seized by his sergeants, taken to the Louvre, and held under guard.5 And even though several people pleaded with the blessed king on behalf of the said lord of Coucy, nonetheless the holy king would never for that reason hear their prayers, nor listen to any of them about it.6 The blessed king then rose from his seat, and the barons mentioned above left, astonished and confounded. And that same day, after the blessed king's said reply, the count of Brittany told the blessed king that he should not allow inquiries to be made against the barons of the kingdom in matters that touch their persons, their inheritances, and their honors.7 And the blessed king answered the count: "You did not speak this way in a time that is past, when the barons who held from you directly, bare to bare, with no other intermediate lord, brought complaint against you yourselves before you, and offered to prove their claim in certain cases by battle against you.89 Instead, you replied before us that you shouldn't proceed by battle, but by inquiries in such a case, and you said10 furthermore that battle is not a path of justice.11 "12 The blessed king later said that they could not try him under the customs of the realm through an inquiry held against him to punish him personally, since Lord Enguerrand had not submitted to that inquiry; but all the same, if he truly knew God's will in that case, he wouldn't hold back—not for the nobility of his lineage nor for the power of any of his friends—from taking full justice on him.13 In the end, the blessed king, acting on the advice of his counselors, fined Lord Enguerrand twelve thousand Paris livres, a sum he sent to Acre to be used to support the Holy Land.14 And for that reason he did not stop short of condemning him as well to lose the wood in which the said young men had been hanged, which wood he awarded to the abbey of Saint Nicholas.15 Along with that, he ordered him to establish and endow three perpetual chaplaincies for the souls of those who had been hanged.16 He further stripped him of all high justice over the woods and fishponds, so that from then on he could no longer imprison or execute anyone for any offense committed there.17 It was said that because of these events, Lord John of Thorote had remarked to the barons present that the blessed king would do well to hang them all; when this was reported to the holy king, he sent his sergeants to fetch him.18 When Lord John arrived in the presence of the blessed king, he knelt before him, and the king asked, "What is this, John?" Are you saying I should have my barons hanged? Certainly I will not have them hanged; but I will chastise them if they do wrong. And the said Lord John answered: "Sire, the man who told you these words that I never said does not love me," and he offered that he was ready to clear himself there by his own oath and by the oaths of twenty or thirty other knights, or of several more.19 Because John defended himself in this way, the blessed king did not have him arrested, even though he had previously planned to do so.20 And truly, at the time when the said Lord Enguerrand was seized and held, the king of Navarre, the count of Brittany, the countess of Flanders, and many others asked the holy king to hand over to them the said Lord Enguerrand, whom he was holding—especially since he had never taken part in hanging the aforementioned men.21 But the blessed king, offended that they had held an assembly and appeared to be plotting against the kingdom and his honor, refused their request and kept Lord Enguerrand in prison.22
Correcting the King's Brother
The king intervenes in disputes involving his brother, Charles of Anjou, ensuring that even royal kin are subject to the law and must satisfy their debts.
When another man came before the blessed king to complain about my lord Charles—the Count of Anjou and the king's brother—the king summoned Charles, who appeared either in person or through his representative, accompanied by his full council.23 The man explained that Charles was pressuring him to sell a property he owned within Charles's county, even though he had refused. The blessed king ordered that the man's property be returned to him and that he face no further harassment, as he had no desire to sell, swap, or exchange it.24 A long-standing dispute over a castle had existed between Charles and a knight, the uncle of the Count of Vendôme. After the case was heard in Charles's own court and judgment was given against the knight in Charles's presence, the knight declared the judgment unjust and appealed the decision to the king of France.25 Charles took offense that the knight had appealed and claimed the judgment of his court was false.26 He had the knight seized and imprisoned under such tight conditions that, even though the knight's friends petitioned for his release and offered to provide proper bail or pledges as the law required, the count refused to let him go—a fact recorded before the blessed king when the appeal was heard.27 Before the appeal reached the blessed king, a squire of the knight appeared before him and reported everything mentioned above. For that reason the blessed king had my lord Charles summoned by his letters to come before him, and when Charles came before him, he blamed him severely and rebuked him for having had the said knight who was appealing seized, and told him that there was to be one king in France, and that he should not suppose that, because he was his brother, Louis would spare him against right justice in anything; and then he ordered him to free the knight so that the knight could freely pursue his appeal before him.28 When the knight was released from the count's prison, he appeared before the blessed king.29 And because my lord Charles had brought with him several counselors and lawyers from the parts of Anjou, and besides that he had several of his counsel from among all the best men of Paris, and when the knight saw them assembled against him, he said to the blessed king that there would be no man of his station who would not be afraid if he had so many and such great and such wise adversaries against him; and so he asked the blessed king to have counsel and lawyers provided for him, especially since, as people said, he could not get others for fear of the said count or because of the count's favor.30 As a result, the blessed31 king ordered32 some wise men to act as counsel for the knight and made them swear to provide loyal advice regarding his case.33 Eventually, after the case had been argued for a long time in the king's court, judgment was given in favor of the knight, and the count's court ruling was overturned.34 The blessed king was highly praised for this, as he showed no favoritism to anyone in his judgments.✦3536 Another time, when the blessed king was in Paris, several merchants and townspeople from various places complained to him about his brother, Lord Charles, because they had lent him money and sold him goods, and he hadn't paid them back; the blessed king then told Lord Charles to pay them. And because my lord Charles was fighting against paying them, and it seemed he wanted to resist this, he told him that if he did not pay them, he would not enjoy the goods he held from him.37 It is believed that Lord Charles did eventually pay them, following the blessed king's command.38
Public Justice and Moral Order
Saint Louis insists that justice be administered openly and publicly, rejecting secret punishments and showing no favoritism to his own household staff.
For a long time, the blessed king had a custom: after hearing Mass and touching those suffering from scrofula, he would call for anyone who had a matter to bring before him or a request to make. He listened to them all very carefully, unless he was forced by more urgent business; in those cases, he had their pleas carefully heard by his knights and clerks.3940 Afterward, they reported back to him what needed to be reported, especially regarding the more significant matters. Afterward, when a woman who was of the greater people of Pontoise, as people said, and of the lineage of Pierrelee, had been seized by the sergeants of the blessed king, because people said she had had her husband killed by a man she loved with an evil love, as people said, and she had had him thrown into a privy when he was dead; and the said woman had confessed the deed in judgment, the blessed king wanted justice done for the aforesaid deed, even though the queen of France and the countess of Poitiers and some other ladies of the realm, and even some Friars Minor and Preachers, pressed him and begged that the said woman be delivered from death, because she was in great contrition and great repentance for the said deed, as it seemed.41 And so the friends and cousins of that woman, and even the queen and the others named above, pleaded with the king that if she had to die altogether, at the very least she should not be put to death at Pontoise. And then the blessed king asked the noble and wise man my lord Simon de Nesle what he thought of it; and my lord Simon answered that justice done openly was good.42 And after this the blessed king commanded that the said woman be burned at the castle of Pontoise, even though he had been greatly begged not to have it so; and she was burned, and justice was done upon her in the open.43 Again, when44 some noblemen from the lands of Simon de Nesle—who held high justice in his territory—had a cousin who was a wicked man and refused to change his ways. They begged Simon to let them seize the man and execute him in secret, fearing that if he fell into the hands of Simon or any other official, he would be hanged or executed publicly, which would bring them great shame.4546 Simon refused to grant their request, but he spoke to the blessed king about it and told him what the noblemen had asked.47 The blessed king told him that he should never support or allow such a thing, because he wanted all justice against wrongdoers throughout his kingdom to be carried out openly before the people, rather than in secret.48 When the blessed king was at Melun, a woman came to him to complain about a man who worked in his kitchen. And that woman said that this49 man had broken into her house by force and had gone inside and had taken her by force and against her will; so my lord Simon de Nesle, already named, and certain others of the king's council who were there, inquired into the case by the express command he had given them, and the said man was summoned before those to whom the blessed king had entrusted the case.50 When the man was on trial and the woman was present, he confessed to having had sexual relations with her, dismissing her as a foolish common woman; however, he flatly denied ever using force against her or breaking into her home.51 But the said woman clearly proved before those who had been appointed to hear the case by the blessed king's command that the said man, together with certain others, on that very night of which the woman spoke, had broken into her house.52 For that reason, those mentioned above, to whom the matter had been entrusted, judged that the man should be hanged for the violence described.53 In the end, several people at court begged the blessed king to pardon him and spare him from hanging, especially since he had been a member of the king's own household. Nevertheless, the blessed king would not listen to anyone's pleas; instead, he ordered my lord Simon to see that justice was carried out, and the man was hanged according to the previous judgment. Once, while the blessed king was in the cemetery of the parish church of Vitry listening to a sermon by Brother Lambert of the Order of Preachers, he sat on the ground at the brother's feet before a large crowd. It happened that in a tavern nearby, a group of people were making such a loud noise that they were disturbing the preacher and those listening to him.54
Zeal for God and the Common Good
The king extends his sense of justice to the protection of religious houses, the punishment of blasphemy, and the careful management of ecclesiastical rights.
At that the blessed king asked whose justice it was in the said place, and he was told that the justice was his. He then ordered his officers to stop the people who were interrupting the word of God—and they did.55 And it is believed that the blessed king had them ask whose justice it was there so that if it belonged to anyone other than him, he would not enter another’s jurisdiction by ordering things as a judge. When he visited abbeys, he wouldn't allow his people to take anything; instead, the blessed king had the keys to the granaries and cellars collected and sealed, ensuring no one could harm their property.56 When the blessed king sent money to Normandy during a famine to be distributed among the poor, he ordered that those delivering it should give more to his own tenants who paid him rent, if they were in need, than to others.57 It often happened that in the blessed king’s court and in his presence many cases were heard before him and before his council that touched him and his rights; and he would argue against himself and against the rights alleged on his behalf, as far as he could and knew how, defending the opposing party—even against his council and against those who put forward the king’s rights—and in all other cases that came before him, without any partiality, he sought the truth with all the diligence and care he ever could, and he did justice.✦ When my lord Edward, now king of England—while my lord Henry, king of England, his father, was still alive and was lord of Gascony—had a castle founded in the diocese of Périgord called the Royal Castle, which the abbot of Sarlat said was built to his prejudice, and when the abbot of that abbey had brought this to the knowledge of the blessed king Saint Louis, he had the overseers of that work and the workmen warned through his messengers a first, second, and third time not to go any further with the work just named until it had been found out for certain whether the castle was being built to the prejudice of the said abbot.58 Because they ignored his warning and continued the work, the blessed king ordered Raoul de Trapes, then seneschal of Périgord, to tear the castle down and reduce everything built there to nothing.59 Raoul later reported to the holy king that the castle had been completely demolished according to his command. Whenever a case involving wrongdoers came before him, if he suspected the accused and they reached a settlement with their adversaries—whether by paying a sum of money or agreeing to go overseas for a year or two—the blessed king, driven by a zeal for justice, would increase their penalty beyond what they had arranged, whether by raising the fine or extending the time, as he saw fit to ensure evil deeds were restrained and the wrongdoers punished.60 This happened in the case of a Paris cordwainer: when he and another man appeared at the Châtelet of Paris, the cordwainer complained that the other man had attacked him in his home and beaten him. The other man immediately replied that the cordwainer had stabbed him with a knife—which was obvious, as he was still bleeding—and he died shortly after from the wound. Even though the cordwainer said he didn't think he had struck a mortal blow, or that he had any intention to kill, but was only defending himself against the force the man was using against him in his own home.61 Yet, because the cordwainer couldn't prove these things, he was held to be a homicide and had to make peace with the dead man's family. And among the other terms, he arranged with them that he would be for62 ten63 years overseas, with the consent of the provost of Paris—especially because, even though the assault wasn't fully proven by witnesses, common report still held that the dead man had attacked the cordwainer in his own home, beating him and committing many outrages against him. However, because local bailiffs aren't accustomed to giving their consent to a peace settlement in a homicide case without the king's knowledge—even though the peace can be negotiated before them—the settlement was brought before the blessed king.64 When he heard the matter, he consented to the peace, but out of a zeal for greater justice, he added65 three.66 years beyond the others.67 Ten.68 He ordered the murderer to cross the sea and stay there thirteen69 years, including the time spent traveling there and back.70 Some time earlier, the Count of Joigny had seized one of the king’s burghers on his land. The count claimed the man had committed a serious crime and was caught in the act, though the burgher denied it entirely; regardless, the count threw him into prison.71 So the king's sergeant from the town the bourgeois was from demanded that the count hand this bourgeois over to him, seeing that by the custom of the land—the bourgeois denied that he had been caught in the act of the offense—the king's justice was to take cognizance of such a matter in this way: if the king's justice found that he had been caught in the act, he was to be sent back to be judged by the lord in whose territory it was known he had committed the offense; or if not, the king's justice was to judge him.72 But the count refused to hand the bourgeois over to the king's sergeant, nor would he allow the king's justice to determine whether the man had been caught in the act, as the custom required.73 It so happened that the bourgeois died in the count's prison, which led the blessed king to summon the count to appear before him. When the count arrived before him in a full assembly of the court, the blessed king ordered his sergeants to seize him in front of everyone, take him to the Châtelet of Paris, and hold him there.74 The count confessed to all these actions before the blessed king. Later, after the blessed king had issued and published a ban throughout his realm to purge it of vile oaths—forbidding anyone to swear by God, the blessed Virgin Mary, their members, or the saints—it happened that a man swore a forbidden and foul oath by God.75 And when the news reached the blessed king and he wanted the man punished, many who were on the king's council—even some of the barons—spoke for him before the king and defended him as best they could, saying he did not deserve to be punished like that. Even so, the blessed king, out of great zeal for the honor of God, as people firmly believe, would not listen to any of them about it. Instead he ordered a round iron to be made, heated red-hot, and set on the mouth of the man who had sworn so foully by God.76 Afterward, when my lord Pierre du Bois had a quarrel with my lord Jean Britaut, a knight, and it happened that a son of the said my lord Pierre was killed, that my lord Pierre complained to the blessed king about the said my lord Jean, saying he had had his son killed. For that reason, the blessed king had the said my lord Jean summoned into his presence. In the end, as rumors of the crime against my lord Jean grew and my lord Pierre pressed for justice against those who had killed his son, the blessed king finally had the said my lord Jean seized, taken to Étampes, and held in prison for over a year. He was kept there so long that, through an inquiry into the matter, the blessed king learned that the said my lord Jean was not guilty of the crime.77 And yet my lord Pierre the Chamberlain, who among the other secretaries of the blessed king was one of the greatest, together with all his friends through whom he could help him, worked to keep the said my lord Jean from being put in prison, and, once he was put there, to have him released.78 But because the blessed king had strong and grave suspicions against that Jean, and because Jean was the adversary and enemy of the said my lord Pierre, and because he was by far a more highborn man and more powerful than Pierre was, no one could ever persuade the blessed king to give him back his possessions before he left the king's prison, so that he would first restore what he had wrongfully taken. He was left so poor that he could barely get a common riding horse to ride, even though he had been very rich before.79 The holy king was very glad to have righteous men around him. When he decided to found and build a church and a house for the Friars Preachers in the town of Compiègne, he acquired many houses and properties in that town, within the parish of Saint Anthony, from various people.80 And because the collegiate church of Saint Clement of Compiègne held temporal jurisdiction there, and the church of Saint Anthony held parish rights, so that those churches would not be harmed in any way or have their rights diminished by the founding of the things already mentioned within their aforesaid rights, the blessed king arranged matters with the churches and with the abbot of Saint Cornelius of Compiègne, patron of those churches, so that he gave them a hundred livres of Paris money for the rights named above.8182
Read the original Latin
La vertu de justise, qui a chascun donne son droit et ga? -de commun prou fit ", fii ri bcnoict saint Loys apertement, si com il apert es choses qui s'ensievent. Comme noble homme mes sires " Enjorranz de Couci eust fet pendre iij nobles jovenciaus, si comme l'en disoit, qui estoient avecques iabbé de Saint Nicolas eu Bois, de la dyocese de Laon, por ce que il furent trovez en ses bois a tout ars et saietes, sanz chiens et sans autres engins par quoi il peussent prendre bestes sauvages, et li diz abes et aucunes femmes qui estoient cousines des diz penduz eussent aporté la compleinte de leur mort devant le/ roy, li benoiez? rois fist apeler le dit Enjorran devant lui, puis qu'il ot fête enqueste soufisant et si' comme l'en la devoit fere quant a tel fet. Et lors il le fist arester par ses chevaliers et par ses serganz et mener au Louvre et mètre en prison et estre ilecques tenu en une chambre sanz fers. Et comme li diz Enjorranz fust eiiisi retenu, un jour li benoiez rois fist le dit seigneur de Couci amener devant lui; avecques le quel vindrent li rois de Navarre i, li dus de Bourgoigne 2, li cuefis de Bar , li quens de Sessons , li cuens de Bretaigne et li cuens" de Blois , li cuens ° de Champaigne p et mon seigneur Thomas, lors arcevesque de Reins", et mon seigneur Jehan de Thorote et ausi comme touz les autres barons du roiaume. A la parfin il fu proposé delà partie du dit mon'î' seigneur t/e Couci' devant le benoiet roy que il " vouloit conseilliev soi . Et lors il se trest a part et touz ces nobles hommes devant diz avecques lui et demora li benoiez " rois tout seul ilecques, fors que de sa mesniee.
Et quant il orent esté longuement a conseil, il revindrent devant le beneait roi, et proposa devant lui mon seio-neur Jehan de Thorote pour le dit mon seigneur Enjorran', que il ne devoit pas ne ne vouloit soumetre soi a enqueste en tel cas, comme celé enqueste touchast sa persone, s'enneur et son héritage, et que il estoit prest de défendre soi par bataille, et noia ' plainement que il n'avoit mie pendu ne commandé a pendre les jouvenciax desus diz. Et li diz abbes et les dites femmes estoient ilecques en présence d'autre part devant le benoiet/ roi qui requeroient justise. Et comme li benoiez rois ot entendu diligaument le conseil du dit mon seigneur Enjorran il respondi que es fez des povres, des églises ne ' des persones dont en doit açoir pitié, l'en ne devoit pas einsi aler avant par loy de bataille; car l'en ne troveroit pas de legier aucuns qui se vousissent combatre pour teles manières de persones (contre les barons du roiaume. Et dist que il ne fesoit pas contre lui noveleté-/, com il fust einsi que autres foiz semblables choses eussent esté fêtes par les ancesseurs du benoiet rov en semblables cas. Et lors recorda li benoiez"' rois que mon seigneur" Phelipe, roy de France ", son aiel, pour ce que mon seigneur Jehan de Soilli, qui adonques estoit, avoit fet un homicide, si comme l'en disoit, fist (ère une enqueste contre lui, et tint le chastel de Soilli par xij ans et plus, ja soit que li diz chastiax ne fust pas tenu du roy sanz autre moien, ainçois estoit tenu de l'église d'Orliens . Donc li benoiez rois n'oy mie la requeste, ainz fist ilccques nieesmes" prendre maintenant le dit mon seifneur Enjorrant par ses serg'anz et mener au Louvre et le fist ilcc tenir et «ifarder.
Et tout lust il einsi que pluseiirs proiassenl le benoiet roy pour le dit mon ' seigneur de Coiici, nonpourquant onques pour ce li sainz roys ne volt leur prières oir ne nul d'eus sus ce '" escuute/-. Et adonques li benoiez/ rois se leva de son siège et les barons devant diz se partirent d'ilecques esbahiz et confus. Et en ce meesmes jour, après la dite response du benoiet roy, li cuens de Bretaigne dist au beneoit roi que il ne devroit pas soustenir que enquestes fussent fêtes contre les barons du roiaume en choses qui touchent leur persones, leur héritages et leurenneurs. Et li benoiez rois respondi au conte : « l os ne déistes pas einsi» « en un tens qui est passé, quant les barons qui de vosl « tenoient tout nu a nu sans autre moien, aporterent devant « jios /or compleinte de ios meesmes, et il ' offroient a « prouver leur entencion en certains cas par bataille contre « fos. Ainçois J vespoudisfes de'ant nos que ços ne deviez « pas aler avant par bataille, mes par enquestes en tele « besoigne, et disie. s e«core ' que bataille n'est pas voie « de droit. »
Et li benoiez rois dist'" après que il ne le pooient pas jugier des coustumes du roiaume par enqueste fête contre lui a ce que il le punisist en sa persone, comme einsi fust que li diz mes sires Enjorran " ne se fust pas sousinis a la dite enqueste, mes toutevoies se il seust bien la volenté de Dieu en cel cas, il ne lessast ne pour noblece de son lignage ne pour la puissance d'aucuns de ses amis que il ne l'eist de lui pleine justise. Et a la parfin li benoiez rois, par le conseil de ses conseilliers, condempna le dit mon" seigneur Enjorrau en xij mile livres de parisis, la quele somme d'argent il envoia en x\cre pour despendre en l'ayde de la Sainte Terre. Et pour ce ne lessa il pas que il ne le condempnast a ce que il perdist le bois el quel les diz jovenciax avoient esté penduz , le quel bois il îijuga a l'abeie de Saint Nicolas. Avecques ce il le condempna que il feist fere trois chapellenies perpetueles et les douast '" pour les âmes tles penduz. Et li osta encore toute haute justise de bois et de viviers que il ne peust puis cel tens nul mètre en prison ne trere a mort pour aucun forfet que il i feist 1. Et com il fust einsi que l'en deist que, pour les choses devant dites, mon seisneur Jehan de Thorote avoit dit as " barons qui avoient ilecques esté, (jifc li beneaiz rois feroit bien se il les pendoit toz, et comme l'en eust ce dit au saint roy, il l'envoia quere par ses serganz.
Et quant li diz mon seigneur Jehan fu venu/ a la présence" du benoiet roy, il s'agenoilla devant lui et li benoiez rois li dist : <( Comment est-ce, Jehan.' Dites vous que je face pendre « mes barons? Certainement je ne les ferai pas pendre; « mes je les chastierai se il meffont. » Et li diz mon seigneur Jehan respondi : « wSire, cil ne m'aimme pas ' « qui vous a dit ces ' paroles que je ne dis onques » et offri que il estoit prest de purgier soi ilecques par son serement et par les seremenz de xx ou de xxx autres chevalieis ou de j)luseurs. Pour la quele chose li benoiez rois ne le fist pas prendre, tout eust il eu devant propos de 1ère le prendre, pour ce que il s'escusa en tele manière. Et vraiement el tens que li diz mes sires Enjorranz' fu pris et retenuz, li rois de Navarre, li quens de Bretaignc, la contesse de Flandres et moût d'autres re(jucroienl au sûi/it roy que il leur rendist le dit mon seigneur Enjorran que il tenoit , mcesmement coni il n'eust onques esté a pendre les devant diz hommes'. Mes li benoiez/ lois qui' fu desdeignié pour ce que il avoient fet assemblée et sembloit que il feissent conspiracion contre le roiaume et contre s'enneur, se leva et ne se volt pas otroier a leur requcste, ainçois détint le dit mon seigneur Enjorran ' en prison.
EncoT'es coj)i un autre fust venu devant le benoiet rov et se pleinsist de mon seigneur Challes, adonques conte d'Anjou, son frère, il fist mon seigneur Chaîles apeler a' sa présence et il vint devant lui, par lui ou par son procurateur-/ a tout son conseil. Et comme cil qui se compleignoit deist que mon seigneur Challes vouloit que il li vendist une seue possession que il avoit en sa conté, et comme li diz plaintis en compleignant ne vosist pas ce fere, li benoiez rois commanda que sa possession li fust rendue et que il ne fustd'ore en avant nul e/iniii de la possession, puisque il ne la voloit vendre ne perz/nier ne ' eschangier. Comme question fust pièce a meue entre le devant dit mon seigneur Challes, conte d'Anjou, et un chevalier, oncle du conte de Vendosme , d'un chastel, et la dite question eust este démenée en la court du dit mon seigneur Challes, conte, et" sentence eust esté donnée contre le dit chevalier en celé meesmes court, présent le dit mon seigneur Cballes, li chevaliers clisanz que li jugemenz n'estoit pas " droilurlers, apela au roy de France de celé sentence. Mes li devant diz mon seigneur Challes ot desdaing de ce que il avoit apelé et que il disoit que li jugenienz de sa court estoit fause c? es/ee/ ; il " fist prendre le chevalier et mètre en prison et estre tenu" si que, tout fust il einsi que les amis du chevalier le requeissent qui vouloient donner bonne caucion ou bons pièges pour lui selon ce que droit fust, nonpourquant li quens ' le refusa a rendre, si comme ces choses estoient recordees/ devant le benoietô' roy quant l'en tretoit la cause de cel apel. Et ainçois que la cause de l'apel fust portée devant le benoiet roy, un escuier du dit chevalier vint jusques a la présence du benoiet roi et li senefia toutes les choses desus dites. Pour la quele chose li benoiez rois fist inandei- par ses letres mon seigneur Challes quil venist de'ant lui, et quant il vint devant lui, il le blâma moult et le reprist de ce que il avoit fet prendre le dit chevalier qui apeloit, et li dist que il devoit estre un roi en France et que il ne creust pas, pour ce que il estoit son frère, que il l'espargnast contre droite justise en nule chose; et lors li commanda que il delivrast le chevalier, si que il peust parsivre franchement son apel devant lui.
Et quant li chevaliers fn délivré de la prison du conte, il vint en la présence du benoiet roy. Et pour ce que mon seigneur Challes avoit amené avec soi pluseurs conseilliers et avocaz des parties d'Anjou, et avecques ce il avoit pluseurs de son conseil de touz les meilleurs de Paris, et quant li chevaliers les vit assemblez contre soi, il dist au benoiet roy que il ne seroit nul home de sa condicion qui ne peust douter, se il avoit tant et si 2'ranz et si sag-es aversaires contre lui, de quoi il requist au benoiet rov que il li feist avoir conseil et avocaz, meesmement que', si comme l'en disoit, il ne pooit autres avoir pour la poor du dit conte ou pour sa faveur. De quoi il avint que li benoie/. " rois o/dena. aucuns safes au conseil tlu chevalier et leur fist jurer qu'il meroient loial conseil en la besoigne du dit chevalier. Et a la parfin, comme la dite cause eust esté moût longuement démenée en la court du benoief roj, au derrenier sentence fu donnée pour le chevalier, et la sentence de la court le conte fu cassée. Et de ce fu moult loé li benoiez rois qui n'accf ptoit la persone de nul es jugemenz.
Encores comme li benoiez rois fust une foiz a Paris, et pluseurs bourgois et marcheanz de diverses parties se pleinsissent devant lui de mon seigneur Challes, son frère, pour ce que il li avoient preste deniers et li avoient vendu de leur autres denrées, ne il ne leur fesoit pas satisfacion, li benoiez rois dist lors au dit mon seigneur Challes que il les paiast. Et pour ce que mon seigneur Challes estrivoit de paier les, et paroit que il vousist contrester a ce, il li dist que, se il ne les paioit, il ne jorroit des biens que il tenoit de lui. Et croit l'en que li diz mes sires Challes leur fist satisfacion par le commandement du benoiet/ roy. Et par lonc tens li benoiez rois ot » de coustume que quant il ' avoit ses messes oyes et il açoit touchié ses malades du mal des escroeles, il fesoil apeler touz ceus qui voloient aucune chose proposer devant lui ou requerre, et les ooit touz 1res diligaument, se il ne fust par aucune aventure contraint de greigneurs besoignes ; et adonques // les fesoit oir par aucuns de ses chevaliers et par ses clers dilio-aument', et les plez-/. Et après il se fesoit raporter ce qui estoit a raporter, meesmement les greigneurs besoignes. Après comme une femme qui estoit des greigneurs genz de Pontaise, si comme l'en disoit, et de la ligniee de Pierrelee,eust esté prise par les serganz du benoiet roy, pour ce que l'en disoit que ele avoit fet ocirre son mari par un homme que ele amoit de maie amour, si comme l'en disoit, et ele l'avoit fet geter en une privée quant il fu morf; et la dite femme eiist reconneu le fet en jugement, li benoiez rois" volt que jiistise fust l'ete du fet deAant dit, ja soit que la rovne de Pranee et la contesse de Poitiers '-' et aucunes autres dames du roiaume, et encore aucuns Frères Meneurs et Preccheurs l'enchausassent et proiassent que la dite femme lust délivre de mort, pour ce que ele estoit en g'rant contricion et en grant repentance du dit fet, si comme il sembloit.
Et aiisi/w les amis et les cousins de la dite femme, et neis la royne et les autres devant diz, supplièrent au roy que, se ele devoit du tout mourii-, que a tout le moins, ele ne fust pas destruite a Pontaise, Et lors demanda li benoiez ' rois a noble homme et saw mon seisfueur Symon de Neele que il l'en estoit avis; et mou seigneur Symon respondi que justise qui estoit fête en apert estoit bonne. Et après ce- li benoiez rois commanda que la dite femme fust arse el chastel de Pontaise», Ja soi/ ce (ju il en enst esté mont priez ', et ele lu arse et justise fête en apert deli. Encores com a? /cuns gentilz hommes qui estoient de la terre du dit mon seigneur Symon ' de Neelle qui a haute justise en sa terre, eussent un leur cousin mal homme et qui ne se vouloit chastier, il requistrent et prièrent le dit mon seigneur Symon que il soufrist que il pi-eissent cel mal homme et le destruisissent en lieu secré, car il doutaient (jne, se il venoit as mains du dit mon seigneur Symon ou d'auti-e justise, que il ne fust pendu ou autrement destruit en apert, et ce seroit trop grand vergoigne a eus. Mes li diz Symons ne leur volt pas ce otroier, et nonpourcjuant il parla de ce au benoiet roy el li raconta cominent les diz gentilz hommes li requeroient tele chose. Et li benoiez " rois li respondi que il ne soustenist en nule manière tele chose ne n'otioiast, car il voloit que toute justise fust lete des malfeteurs par tout son roiaume en apert et devant le pueple, et que nule justise ne fust fête en repost. Et comme li benoiez rois fust a Meleun ", une femme vint a lui et se compleinst d'un homme qui servoit en sa cuisine.
Et dist celé femme que ce! homme avoit brisié sa meson par force et estoit entré dedenz et l'avoit prise a force et contre sa volenté ; donc mon seigneur Symon de Neelle devant dit et aucuns autres du conseil le roy, qui estoient ilecques, enqiiistrent de la cause de son commandement que il leur fist expressément, et li diz homme fu apelez devant cens a qui li benoiez rois avoit la cause commise. Et comme cil fu en jugement et la dite femme présente, il confessa et reconnut que il avoit celé meesmes femme conneue charnelment et disoit que ele estoit foie femme commune; mes que il li eust onques fet force en brisant sa meson ne autrement, il le nioit simplement. Mes la dite femme prova plainement devant cens qui estoient ordenez a connoistre de la cause par le commandement du benoiet roy, que li diz hommes avecques aucuns autres, en celé nuit propre /de quoi la femme disoit, avoit froissiee sa meson. Pour la quele chose les devant diz, as ' quex la dite' besoigne avoit esté commise, jugierent et prononcierent que li diz hommes devoit estre penduz pour la violence devant dite. A la parfin pluseurs de la court prièrent le benoiet roy que il li pardonnast ne ne soufrist pas qu'il fust penduz, meesmement por ce qu'il avoit esté de sa mesniee ; nonpourquant li benoiez rois ne volt oir les prières de nus ainz manda au dit mon seigneur Symon que il feist fere justise de cel homme; pour la quele chose il fu penduz selon le jugement qui est desus dit. Et une foiz, comme li benoiez rois oist, eu cymentiere de l'église parrochial de Vitry, le sermon de frère Lambert, de l'ordre des Preecheurs, et se seist a terre as "■ piez du dit Irere Lambert en la présence de grant multitude de pueple, or avint einsi que il avoit, en une taverne assez prochaine du dit cynientiere, une assemblée de gent qui fesoient grant noise, si que il empeechoient le preecheeur en son sermon et cens qui l'ooient.
De quoi li benoiez rois demanda de qui la justise estoit el " dit lieu, et l'en li respondi que la justise estoit seue. Et lors il commanda a aucuns de ses serganz que il feissent cesser celé gent qui destourboient la parole Dieu, la quel chose fu tête. Et l'en croit que li benoiez rois fist demander de qui la justise estoit ilecques pour ce que s'ele fust d'autrui que seue, il n'entrast en la jurisdicion < d'autrui en commandant aucunes choses comme juges. Quant il aloit a aucunes abeies, il ne soufroit que nul des siens en aportassent d'ilecques/ nule chose ou preissent; ainçois fesoit li benoiez rois les des des greniers et des celiers recevoir et mètre en saul, que l'en ne peust lere domage en leur choses. Et comme li benoiez rois envoiast en Normendie, en tens de chierté, une somme d'argent a donner entre les povres, il ordena que cil qui iroient la en donnassent plus a ses hostes qui li paioient ses rentes, se il en avoient besoing, plus que il ne feissent as autres. Souvent avint que en la court du benoiet rov et en sa présence estoient moût de causes tretiees devant lui et devant son conseil qui le touchoient et sa droiture ; et il allegoit contre soi et contre les droiz qui estoient alléguiez pour lui tant com il pooit et savoit, en défendant la partie adverse, neis contre son conseil et contre cens qui proposoient les droiz du roi, et en toutes A' autres causes qui estoient devant lui sanz nule acception, et enqueroit la vérité a toute la diligence et a toute la cure que il onques pooit, et faisoit justise.
Comme mon seigneur Odonart, ores rois d'Engletei-re ', cl teiis (ue monseigneur Henri, rov " d'Engletene, son père, vivoil encore et cstoil sires de Gascoigne , eiisl let fonder un chastel en la diocèse de Pierregort qui esloit apelé le Chastel Roial (jue li ahbes de Sarle disoit qui estoit let en son préjudice, et comme li abbes de la due aheie', eust ce aporté a la connoissance du benoiet roy saint Loys, il fist amonester par ses messages les gouverneeurs de la dite oevre et les ouvriers première foiz, seconde foiz et tierce Ibiz, que il n'alassent plus avant en l'uevre devant dite, devant a ce que l'en eust conneu a savoir mon se le chastel estoit fet en préjudice du dit abbé. Et pour ce que il ne cessèrent pas de l'uevre pour son anioneslen\ent, li benoiez rois manda que le chastel et quant qu'il y avoit fet fust depecié et du tout en tout estre mis a neent par Raoul de Trapes, adonques seneschal de Pierregort. Et li diz Raous raporta après ce devant le saint roy que li chastiax estoit touz dépeciez selon son commandement '. Et quant aucune question estoit aportee devant lui d'aucuns maufaiteurs, se il avetioit que par aucune acJioison il eust conceu aucunes soupecons contre les malfeteurs et ciue'\ il avenist que il feissent pes a / leur avcrsaires ou a leur anemis ou s pour somme d'argent ou por cc que il alassent outre mer, si que cil que l'en disoit qui avoient fet le meffet fussent ilecques' et demorassent un an ou deus, li benoiez' rois, meiiz de jalousie de justise, pour ce que les malvés lez fussent restreinz le miex que il pooit et fussent avecques ce punis, croissoit encore la poine des malfeteurs OU la somme de l'argent ou du tens , si com il li estoit avis qiiil fiisl bien, outre ce que l'en avoit ordené entre eus. Et ce avint d'un corduanier de Paris : comme li diz corduaniers et un autre"' fussent venus en Chastelet de Paris, li corduaniers se pleinst que cil l'avoit assailli en sa meson et batu l'avoit. Et l'autre respondi tantost que li corduaniers l'avoit féru d'un coutel, la quele chose apparoit, car il estoit encore sanglent et fu assez tost après mort de celé plaie.
Et tout fust il einsi que li corduaniers « deist que il ne le creoit pas ferir mortelment ne par volenté de lui ocirre, mes pour ce que il ' ostat ' force que cil li fcsuitJ en sa meson propre a sa persone. Et ce nepourquant' li corduaniers'" ne pot prouver ces choses, il fu tenu pour homicide; pour quoi il couvint que il feist pes as" amis du mort. Et entre les autres choses, il ordena einsi vers eus que il seroit par . x. ans outre mer par le consentement du prevost de Paris, pour ce meesmement que ja fust ce que l'assaut ne fust pas pleinnement prouvé par tesmoinz, nonporquant commune renommée disoit que le mort avoit fet l'assaut en la meson du dit corduanier ' contre le corduanier/ qui i estoit et que il l'avoit batu et li avoit moût fet des vilanies. Et toutevoies pour ce que les bailliz des contrées ne des liex, pour homicide fet, quant l'en trete de pes fere, n'ont pas acoustumé d'eus assentirsanz le seu du roi, ja soit ce que la pes puisse estre tretiee devant eus, il fu parlé du tretié de la pes au benoiet roy. Et quant il entendi le fet, il se consenti a la dite pes , et pour jalousie de greigneur justise, il 'f ajousta . iij.
ans par desus les autres . x. et commanda que li diz homicides passast la mer et demourast . xiij. anz, le tens de l'aler et du revenir conté. Comme li contes de Jooijgny' eust pris pieça en sa terre un bourjois le roy, li quel borjois avoit fet, si comme l'en disoit, un grief mefTet en la terre du dit conte et, en fesant le melTct, li bourgois fu pris, si comme li contes disoit, la quele chose toutevoies 11 bourjois nioit , nonpourquant li contes mist le bourjois en prison.
Donc li serganz le roi de la vile dont li bourgois estoit, requist au conte ce bourgois a avoir, com einsi fust que, par la coustumedu pais, que li bourgois nioit " que il n'estoit pas pris eu mefFet , la justise le roy devoit connoistre de tel fet en tele manière que, se la justise le roi trouvoit que il eust esté pris eu fet, que il soit renvoie a jugier par le seigneur en qui terroier l'en a conneu que il ait fet le meffet, ou se ce non, la justise le roy le doit jugier. Mes li contes ne volt pas rendre le bourgois au sergant le roi (/ne, selon ladite coustume, la justise le roy conneust se il avoit esté pris el mefFet. Or avint einsi que li bourgois fu morz en la chartre du devant dit conte ; pour ' la quelle chose li benoiez rois apela le conte en sa présence. Et quant li quens fu venu devant lui en un plein parlement , li benoiez rois commanda que il fust pris par ses serganz en la présence de touz et que l'en le menasf el Chastelet de Paris et fust ilec tenu. Car li contes confessa toutes les choses desus dites devant le benoiet/ roi-. Après, comme li benoiez rois eust fet ban pour purgier le roiaume des vilains seremenz et eust fet publier 5 cel ban par son roiaume que nul ne feist de Dieu ne de la benoiete virofe Marie ne de leur membres ne des sainz lez seremenz, il avint que un fist de Dieu teF' serement défendu et let'.
Et comme la nouvele fust venue devant le benoiet-/ roy et il le vousist fere punir, moût de cens qui estoient du conseil le " roy, neis des barons, proposassent pour celui devant le roy et le défendissent en tant com il pooient, disanz que il n'estoit pas digne d'estre einsi puni , nonpourquant li benoiez rois, pour la grant jalousie de l'enneur de Dieu, si comme l'en croit fermement, n'en' volt nus oir sus ce; ainçois commanda que l'en feist un fer roont et que l'en le feist' tout rouge Aq chaleur et que il fust mis sus la'\ bouche de celui qui avoit einsi juré vdainement de Dieu. Après com\\\e mon seigneur Pierres du Bois eust contens a mon seigneur Jehan Britaut, chevalier, et avenist que/ un fiuz du dit mon seigneur Pierres fust ocis, cil mon seigneur Pierres se pleinst au benoiet roy du dit mon seigneur Jehan que il ' avoit fet ocire son fiuz desus dit. Por la quele chose li benoiez ' rois fist apeler le dit mon seigneur Jehan en sa présence. A la parfin, comme la reno/nnieeJ creust du dit mefFet contre mon seigneur Jehan, et li diz mes sires Pierres porsivist et de/nandast que iustise li fust fête de cens qui son fiuz avoient ocis, li benoiez rois fist en la fin prendre le dit mon seigneur Jehan et le fist mener a Estampes et estre détenu ilecques en prison par un an et plus ; et fu si longuement tenu que li benoiez rois ot entendu par enqueste fête sus ce que li diz mes sires Jehans n'avoit courpes du meffet desus dit. Et nonpourquant mon seigneur Pierres le Chambellenc, qui estoit entre les autres secrétaires du benoiet roy un des greigneurs, avec touz ses amis avec les quex il li pooit aidier, aidoit au dit monseigneur Jehan que il ne fust mis en prison, et, puis que il i fu mis, que il fust délivrez. Mes pour ce que li benoiez ' rois avoit presoncions fortes" et granz contre celui " Jehan, et pour ce que il estoit adversaire et anemi du dit mon seigneur Pierres, et pour ce que il estoit de trop loing plus gentill homme et plus puissant de lui, onques nul ne pot tant fere vers le benoiet roy que possessions ainçois que il issist de la piison le" l'ov, pour ce que il rencUst ce que il avoit mauvesement osté, si que il lu si povre que a poine pot il avoir un roncin que il chevauchast, ja soit ce que il fust par devant moût riche.
Li sainz rois avoit moût volenliers avecques lui hommes justes; et corn il eust en propos de fonder et de lere, pour les Frères Preeclieeurs, église et meson en la vile de Compiegne, il print moût de mesons et de fondemenz en {la dite vile en la paroisse de l'eglise Saint Antoine, de diverses persones. Et pour ce que l'église collegiee de Saint Climent de Compiegne y avoit justise temporele et l'église de Saint Antoine droit parroissiel, pour ce que ces églises ne fussent en aucune chose bleciees ou leur droit amenuisié en fondant les devant dites choses en leur droitures desus dites, li benoiez rois ordena envers les enlises et vers l'abbé de Saint Cornille de Compiegne, patron de ces églises, einsi que il leur f donna cent livres de parisis pour les droitures desus dites.
Scripture echoes
- ↩Deut.10.17;2Chr.19.7;Acts.10.34;Rom.2.11 — For the LORD your God is God of gods and Lord of lords, the great God, mighty and awesome, who shows no partiality and accepts no bribes. 2Chr.19.7 — And now, let the fear of the LORD be upon you. Be careful in what you do, for with the LORD our God there is no injustice, no partiality, and no taking of bribes. Acts.10.34 — Then Peter opened his mouth and said, "Truly I understand that God is not one who shows partiality. Rom.2.11 — For there is no partiality with God.
- ↩Rom.2.11;Acts.10.34;Jas.2.1 — For there is no partiality with God. Acts.10.34 — Then Peter opened his mouth and said, "Truly I understand that God is not one who shows partiality. Jas.2.1 — My brothers, do not hold the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ of glory with partiality.
Notes
- 1 ↩Normalized past obvious OCR noise (beneait→benoiet; seio-neur→seigneur; Enjorran'→Enguerrand; noia→denied). Sense follows the plain Old French reading.
- 2 ↩Reading «açoir pitié» as «avoir pitié»; «ne» between «églises» and «persones» as coordinating «or/nor» in the OF series «des povres, des églises ne des persones».
- 3 ↩«ne fesoit pas contre lui noveleté»: rendered as not introducing a legal/political novelty to his prejudice, rather than mere personal innovation.
- 4 ↩«fist (ère une enqueste» read as «fist faire une enqueste». «sanz autre moien» rendered as without intermediate lordship (not held in chief of the king alone).
- 5 ↩Restored corrupt forms: «ilccques nieesmes»→«ilecques meesmes» (right there); «seifneur»→«seigneur»; «serg'anz»→«sergenz»; «ilcc»→«ilec»; «ifarder»→«garder». «n'oy mie la requeste» rendered as did not grant/heed the request (not mere physical hearing).
- 6 ↩Normalized from OCR noise: lust→fust; pluseiirs→pluseurs; proiassenl→proiassent; Coiici→Couci (Enguerran de Coucy); escuute→escoute.
- 7 ↩leurenneurs read as leurs enneurs/honneurs, 'their honors' (status and standing), parallel to persones and héritages.
- 8 ↩Heavy OCR damage restored: l os→vos; vosl→vos; jios/or→vos; ios→vos; fos→vos. 'tout nu a nu sans autre moien' = held immediately of the count without intermediate overlord.
- 9 ↩entencion here is legal: their case/claim, not mere intention.
- 10 ↩Restored: J vespoudisfes→vos respondistes; de'ant→devant; ços→vos; disie→distes/disiés. Continuation of the king's quoted rebuke.
- 11 ↩Restored s e«core → encore; voie de droit kept as 'path of justice' (lawful procedure).
- 12 ↩Source unit is only the closing quotation mark of the king's speech (s4–s6); no independent clause.
- 13 ↩Reading sousinis as sousmis (submitted) and eist as eût (had/took); punctuation noise in the source (dist'", Enjorran ") ignored.
- 14 ↩Reading en x\cre as en Acre (the city of Acre); Enjorrau as Enguerrand.
- 15 ↩Reading îijuga as adjugea (awarded/adjudged).
- 16 ↩Reading tles penduz as des penduz (of those hanged).
- 17 ↩Haute justise is the high justice of capital and imprisonment rights; viviers are fishponds/stews attached to the lordship.
- 18 ↩Reading corrupt (jifc as que introducing the reported speech; seisneur as seigneur.
- 19 ↩Read corrupt 'wSire' as 'Sire'; 'j)luseurs' as 'plusors/plusieurs' (several more); 'chevalieis' as 'chevaliers'.
- 20 ↩Read 'propos de 1ère le prendre' as 'propos de fere le prendre' (planned to have him seized).
- 21 ↩Restored garbled forms: 're(jucroienl' → 'requeroient' (asked); 'sûi/it roy' → 'saint roy'; 'mcesmement coni' → 'meesmement come' (especially since); 'Bretaignc' → Brittany.
- 22 ↩Read 'lois' as 'rois'; 'requcste' as 'requeste'; 's'enneur' as 's'honneur'.
- 23 ↩Opening garbled in the source witness as «EncoT'es coj)i»; read as Encores aussi (and again / once more), consistent with the narrative series of justice examples. «rov» read as roy; «Chaîles» as Charles.
- 24 ↩«nul e/iniii de la possession» is corrupt; most plausible reading is nule enuie / nul ennui de la possession (no further harassment concerning the holding). «perz/nier» read as permuter (swap/barter), parallel to eschangier.
- 25 ↩«clisanz» read as disant; «droilurlers» as droitturiers (just/lawful); «Cballes» as Charles; «pièce a meue» as long since raised/brought.
- 26 ↩Sentence is truncated mid-word in the witness («fause c?»); completed as fausse from the clear stem and the continuation in s5. The clause continues into the next sentence.
- 27 ↩Leading junk «es/ee/» treated as OCR debris from the truncated «fausse» of s4. «mètre» = mettre; «pièges» = pledges/sureties; «tretoit» = traitoit; «benoietô' roy» = benoiet roy.
- 28 ↩«fist inandei-» read as fist mander; «de'ant» as devant; «parsivre» as poursuivre. «il devoit estre un roi en France» rendered as the claim of a single royal justice in France (not that Charles himself was to be king).
- 29 ↩Reading corrupted 'fn' as OF 'fu' (was): 'li chevaliers fu délivré'.
- 30 ↩Restored 'si granz et si sages aversaires' from corrupted 'si 2'ranz et si sag-es aversaires'; 'roy' from 'rov'; 'paour' sense from 'poor'.
- 31 ↩Fragment only: 'De quoi il avint que li benoie/.' Completes with s4–s5 as one continuous sentence: the blessed king ordered wise men as the knight's counsel.
- 32 ↩Reading corrupted '" rois o/dena.' as 'rois ordena' (the king ordered), continuing s3 and completed by s5.
- 33 ↩Restored 'aucuns sages au conseil du chevalier' from 'aucuns safes au conseil tlu chevalier'; 'meroient' taken as 'doneroient' (would give) for the standard phrase 'doner loial conseil'.
- 34 ↩Reading 'benoiet roy' for 'benoief roj' and 'la court du conte' for 'la court le conte'.
- 35 ↩Reading 'n'acceptoit' from corrupted 'n'accf ptoit'; 'ès jugemenz' (in judgments).
- 36 ↩'n'acceptoit la persone de nul' is the traditional idiom of impartial justice (not respecting persons), not mere social courtesy.
- 37 ↩Old French «ne jorroit des biens» is taken as «jouir de» (would not enjoy/use the goods/fiefs held from the king), i.e. a threat to strip Charles of the property held of Louis; not as a mere calendar-day idiom.
- 38 ↩Normalized OCR damage in «benoiet/ roy» as «benoiet roy» (blessed king).
- 39 ↩Normalized several OCR corruptions: «ot » de coustume» → had the custom; «açoit touchié» → avoit touchié; «fesoil» → fesoit; «touz 1res diligaument» → touz tres diligaument; «dilio-aument'» → diligaument; trailing «plez-/.» taken as incomplete «plez» (pleas/suits), continued in the next sentence.
- 40 ↩«mal des escroeles» is the scrofula (king's evil); Louis is described exercising the traditional royal touch after Mass.
- 41 ↩Normalized OCR: Pontaise→Pontoise; Pierrelee kept as lineage name; maie amour→evil/illicit love; morf→mort; eiist→eust; jiistise fust l'ete→justise fust fete; deAant dit→devant dit; rovne de Pranee→royne de France; Frères Meneurs et Preccheurs→Friars Minor and Preachers (Franciscans and Dominicans); lust→fust; g'rant→grant.
- 42 ↩Normalized OCR garble: aiisi/w→ainsi; mourii→mourir; saw mon seisfueur→sage mon seigneur; mou seigneur→mon seigneur; Neele→Nesle (Simon de Nesle).
- 43 ↩Normalized: ja soit ce qu'il en eust esté moult priez; ele fu arse; deli→d'elle. arse = burned (ardoir).
- 44 ↩Supplied text is a broken fragment ('Encores com a?'); read as the formulaic opener Encores comme, with the clause completed in s4 (aucuns gentilz hommes...).
- 45 ↩Leading /cuns→aucuns; pi-eissent→preissent; doutaient que; d'autre. haute justise = high justice (capital jurisdiction).
- 46 ↩Continues the truncated Encores comme of s3; English kept as the dependent narrative body rather than silently merging refs.
- 47 ↩nonpourcjuant→nonpourquant; el li→et li; cominent→comment.
- 48 ↩n'otioiast→n'otroiast (grant/allow); lete/fête→fete (faite); repost = in secret/hidden.
- 49 ↩Source appears truncated mid-clause ("que ce!"); the sense continues in the next sentence with "homme…". The "!" is likely OCR noise.
- 50 ↩"enqiiistrent" read as enquirent ("inquired"). "de la cause de son commandement que il leur fist expressément" rendered as investigation of the case under the king's express commission to them.
- 51 ↩"foie femme commune": "foie" taken as folle (foolish/mad); "femme commune" as a public/common woman (sexually available). Alternative: "a mad public woman."
- 52 ↩Slash in "propre /de quoi" treated as editorial/OCR debris, not syntax. "li diz hommes… avoit" keeps singular sense (the man with others) despite the plural-looking form.
- 53 ↩OCR marks in "as ' quex la dite' besoigne" ignored; read as "as quex la dite besoigne" (to whom the said business/matter had been committed).
- 54 ↩OCR forms normalized in sense only: "cymentiere/cynientiere" = cemetery; "Irere" = frère; "Preecheurs" = Preachers (Dominicans); stray marks around "as \"■ piez" ignored.
- 55 ↩Source ends 'la quel chose fu tête'; almost certainly OCR for 'fete' (faite), 'was done'.
- 56 ↩Read 'les des des greniers' as 'les clés des greniers' (the keys of the granaries); 'mètre en saul' as 'mettre en seel' (put under seal); 'lere domage' as 'fere domage' (do harm).
- 57 ↩'hostes' rendered as 'tenants' (holders who paid the king rents), not 'guests' or 'hosts' in the modern sense.
- 58 ↩Source line is heavily corrupted (OCR). Reconstructed principal names and sense: Odonart/Odouart → Edward (later Edward I); Henri, roi d'Engleterre; Gascoigne; diocèse de Pierregort; Chastel Roial; abbé de Sarlat; eust fet fonder; assavoir mon se (= whether, for certain).
- 59 ↩Reading anioneslen\ent as amonestement (his warning/admonition).
- 60 ↩Reconstructed from damaged fro: avetioit→avenoit; acJioison→achoison; soupecons; feissent pes a leur adversaires; por ce que il alassent outre mer; meu de jalousie de justise; malvés fez; qu'il fust bien. 'Jalousie de justise' rendered as zeal for justice (not envy).
- 61 ↩Reading corrupt surface 'fcsuitJ' as OF 'faisoit' ('was doing/using'); 'ostat force' as 'ostât force' (warded off/removed the violence).
- 62 ↩Sentence is truncated at 'que il seroit par'; completed by following fragments (ten years overseas).
- 63 ↩Roman numeral 'x' = ten; completes the preceding clause as 'ten years' with the following sentence.
- 64 ↩Reading 'assentirsanz le seu du roi' as 'assentir sanz le seu du roi' (to consent without the king's knowledge).
- 65 ↩'jalousie de greigneur justise' = jealous care / zeal for stricter justice (not envy).
- 66 ↩Roman numeral 'iij' = three; object of 'ajousta' in the previous sentence (three years added).
- 67 ↩Continues the previous sentence fragment: the king added three years over and above the others (the ten already settled with the dead man’s friends).
- 68 ↩Standalone Roman numeral x. from edition/OCR sentence splitting; likely the original ‘ten years’ already ordered, or a stray numeral segment.
- 69 ↩Roman numeral xiij. split as its own sentence; supplies the year count for demourast in s3.
- 70 ↩‘le tens de l’aler et du revenir conté’ = the travel time going out and coming back is included in the term of years.
- 71 ↩Normalized corrupt forms: Jooijgny’ → Joigny; mefTet/melTct → meffet (crime/misdeed); ‘11 bourjois’ → ‘li bourjois’.
- 72 ↩Normalized 'coustumedu' as 'coustume du' (custom of the land). 'pris eu meffet / pris eu fet' rendered as 'caught in the act' (in flagrante).
- 73 ↩Source shows garbled punctuation '(/ne'; read as 'ne' coordinating with 'ne volt pas' (refused... and would not have the king's justice inquire).
- 74 ↩Read 'menasf' as 'menast' (be led/taken). 'plein parlement' rendered as a full formal session of the royal court, not a modern parliament.
- 75 ↩Read 'virofe Marie' as 'vierge Marie' (Virgin Mary); 'teF' as 'tel' (such a); 'let' as OF 'let' (foul/base). 'leur membres' kept as 'their members' (limbs/body-parts sworn upon in blasphemous oaths).
- 76 ↩Normalized through OCR noise: gens for cens; de chaleur for Aq chaleur; vilainement for vdainement; honor (enneur). Medieval jalousie de l'honneur de Dieu rendered as zeal for the honor of God.
- 77 ↩courpes read as coupes (guilt/fault). renommee for reno/nnieeJ; demandast for de/nandast; ceus for cens; justise for iustise.
- 78 ↩Pierres le Chambellenc may or may not be the same man as Pierres du Bois in s2; English keeps the source titles distinct.
- 79 ↩Heavily corrupt clause que possessions ainçois que il issist de la piison le l'ov restored as: that he should not recover his possessions before leaving the king's prison (prison le roy). rencUst → rendust; lu si povre → fu si povre; presoncions → présomptions/suspicions. Antecedents of il (Jean vs Pierre) remain partly ambiguous.
- 80 ↩Normalized corrupt readings: corn→com; lere→fere; Preeclieeurs→Prescheeurs (Friars Preachers/Dominicans); dropped stray '{' before la dite.
- 81 ↩Normalized corrupt readings: enlises→eglises; f donna→donna (stray f); Climent/Cornille kept as Saint Clement / Saint Cornelius (Saint-Corneille de Compiègne).
- 82 ↩livres de parisis = livres parisis (Paris pounds), rendered as 'livres of Paris money' to keep the period currency clear without modernizing the unit.
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