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Idea de un príncipe político-cristiano representada en cien empresas (Empresas políticas)/Book 1 · Idea de un príncipe político-cristiano representada en cien empresas (Empresas políticas)
Chapter 10EmpresasPol.1.10

Empresa X

The Peril of Renown

Great virtues and public fame often awaken envy and suspicion, leading to the persecution of the very individuals who serve the state best.

Once free, the falcon tries to get rid of the bell, recognizing in its noise the danger to its freedom, and that it carries with it the one who accuses it, calling with every movement to the hunter who will recover it, even if it withdraws into the most hidden and secret places of the woods. Oh, how many have had envy awakened against them by the ringing sound of their virtues and heroic deeds, and been reduced to hard servitude!1 A good reputation is just as dangerous as a bad one. Miltiades would never have ended his life unhappily in prison if, his valor kept silent and unknown to fame, and moderating his haughty thoughts, he had been content to seem equal to the other citizens of Athens. As applause for his victories grew, the eyes of his rivals could not stand the glare of his fame, and what should have been esteem and gratitude in that republic turned into suspicion.2 They feared that the yoke he placed on their enemies would eventually land on their own necks, and they worried more about the uncertain future danger of his disloyalty than the immediate—though far greater—threat from those actively working toward the city's ruin.3 Suspicions do not consult reason, nor does mistrust stop to weigh things carefully or let itself be overcome by gratitude. That republic preferred the imprisonment and disgrace of a citizen who had served it well over living under constant suspicion.4 The Carthaginians stripped Safón of the government of Spain, jealous of his valor and power, and they banished Hanno, so deserving of that republic, for the glory of his voyages. That senate could not tolerate so much skill and valor in a single citizen.5 They saw that he was the first to tame a lion, and they feared that the man who made wild beasts manageable would tame them too. This is how republics reward great deeds and services.6 No citizen can claim the honor or benefit the community receives as his own. An offense, yes—or even just a suspicion.7 Few people vote to reward, but everyone votes to condemn. Anyone who rises above the rest is in danger. A minister's zeal for the public good indicts the indifference of the rest; his intelligence exposes other people's ignorance. From this comes the danger of refined excellence in the prince's service, and the fact that virtue and valor are persecuted as crimes.8 To escape this hatred and envy, Sallustius Crispus pretended to be sluggish and ineffective, even though his mind was capable of handling the greatest affairs. But the worst part is that sometimes the prince himself feels that his minister's vigilance disturbs his own rest, and he would prefer the minister to be as asleep as he is. Therefore, just as there is a hypocrisy that pretends virtues and conceals vices, so it is fitting that, on the contrary, there should be one to conceal valor and put out fame. Agricola so carefully tried to hide his own fame—fearing Domitian's envy—that those who saw him so humble and modest, if they did not already assume it, did not find it in his person.9 In time, Germanicus recognized this danger, though it did him no good: after conquering many nations, he raised a trophy but, warned of the peril of fame, did not put his name on it.10 Saint John hid his own name when he wrote about the favor Jesus had shown him at the supper.11

The Burden of Excellence

Because virtue is perceived as a form of power, it is often safer to conceal one's talents and practice humility to avoid the jealousy of republics and princes.

And if it was not policy, it was deliberate modesty.12 Even dreaming of your own greatness stirs envy among brothers. Joseph's life was put in danger because, with more openness than caution, he told the dream of the sheaves of grain that bowed to his, which stood raised among the rest—for even the shadow of greatness, or the mere chance of it, frets envy.13 Glory is at risk both in your own virtues and in the vices of others. Vice is not feared in men, because it makes them slaves. Virtue is, because it makes them masters.14 It holds a dominion nature itself has granted over the rest, and republics do not want this dominion found in one person, but shared out equally among all. Virtue is a willing tyranny over the mind.15 It seizes them just as much as force does. And as for the jealousy of republics, it makes no difference whether the people come to obey one man through reason or through violence.16 In fact, that tyranny is more dangerous and beyond remedy precisely because it is just—which provided the cause and pretext for ostracism.17 This is why Aristides was banished; for him, being applauded as just was treated as a fault. The favor of the people is the most dangerous friend that virtue has. Its acclaim is often punished as a crime, just as it was in the case of Galerianus.18 And so, the flatteries of the Roman people were always brief and ill-fated, as was proven in the case of Germanicus.19 Neither republics nor princes want their ministers to be excellent; they only want them competent enough for the business of state. This is the reason Tacitus gave for Poppaeus Sabinus holding the government of the most important provinces for twenty-four years. And so it is great wisdom to hide your fame, declining displays of courage, intellect, and greatness, and keeping high thoughts buried under ashes. Even so, it is a hard task to keep a generous spirit locked inside the breast: it is a flame that shows itself on every side and loves the fuel on which it can catch fire and shine. But the examples of great men who returned from the dictatorship to the plow can encourage us.20 And those who could not fit through the gates of Rome and entered in triumph through its broken walls, accompanied by trophies and conquered nations, reduced themselves to humble cottages, and there their republic found them again. It would not have come upon them so quickly if they had not been seen withdrawn from their glories, because to attain those glories you have to flee them.21 Fame and reputation are thought greater of the one who hides himself from them. Rubellius Plautus seemed worthy of the empire because he lived in retirement. That is not the case in monarchies, where you rise because you have already begun to rise.22

The Art of Attributing Glory

Prudent ministers must learn to deflect glory toward their superiors to avoid the fatal suspicion that their own excellence threatens the ruler's position.

Princes value great men, while republics fear them. The former encourages them with favors, and the latter humiliate them with ingratitude. In republics it is not only fear for their liberty, but also a pretext for envy and rivalry.23 Authority and applause that rest with everyone are suspect, and they are envied when seen in a single citizen. This rarely happens with princes, because a vassal's glory is not an object of envy to their greatness. On the contrary, they claim it for themselves as wrought by their orders—something for which Emperor Otho was noted.24 For this reason, prudent ministers should attribute successful outcomes to their prince, taking a warning from Silius, who boasted that he had kept the legions obedient and that Tiberius owed him the empire. He fell into the emperor's disfavor because Tiberius judged that such boasting diminished his glory and made his power seem inferior to the favor he had received.25 For the same reason, Antonius Primus found little favor with Vespasian. Agricola was more discreet; he attributed the glory of his exploits to his superiors. That protected him from envy and brought him just as much glory as arrogance would have.26 Joab set an illustrious example for every general: whenever he had a city under pressure, he would call King David to come against it with fresh troops so that the surrender would be credited to the king. The ancient Germans were generous in how they honored their princes, giving them the glory for their own exploits.27

The Illusion of Republican Freedom

Republics are often more dangerous and ungrateful than monarchs, trapping their citizens in a cycle of suspicion and self-imposed servitude under the guise of liberty.

For the reasons already given, the reward for services done for a prince is more secure than for a republic, and it is easier to win his favor. Mistakes against the former run less risk than against the latter, because the multitude neither overlooks, nor forgives, nor shows compassion.28 A republic is as bold in its rash decisions as in its unjust ones; because, when fear or guilt is divided among many, each person assumes the danger will not touch them and that the infamy will not stain them.29 A community has no face where the color of shame can rise, as it does on a prince's—a man who fears infamy first for himself, and then for his reputation and that of his descendants.30 Everyone flatters the prince, proposing to him what is most glorious. In republics, almost everyone looks out for safety; few look out for honor.31 The prince needs to satisfy his subjects; in a community, this fear disappears because everyone shares in the deed. From this it follows that republics (I am not speaking of those that stand equal with kings) are little to be trusted in the good faith of treaties, because they count as just only what serves their preservation and greatness, or the liberty they profess—about which they are all superstitious.32 They think they worship a true freedom, and they worship many tyrannical idols. Everyone thinks he commands, and everyone obeys. They stock themselves with antidotes against the rule of one man, and they drink without misgiving the rule of many.33 They fear the tyranny of those outside, and they fail to recognize the tyranny they suffer within. In every part of them freedom is heard, and in none of them is it seen. It exists more in the imagination than in reality. Let the rebel provinces of Flanders set side by side the freedom they once enjoyed and the freedom they have now, and carefully consider whether the former was greater, and whether they then suffered the bondage, the taxes, and the harms they suffer today.34 Let the subjects of certain republics—and the very magistrate who rules them—weigh whether any tyrant could put harder irons of bondage on them than those they have put on themselves in the name of better safeguarding their freedom, when there is no one who enjoys that freedom or is free in his actions.35 Everyone lives as a slave to their own suspicions. The magistrate is a tyrant to himself; of these republics, one might say they live without a master, but not with freedom—because the harder they try to loosen the knots of servitude, the more tightly they entangle themselves in them.36

Read the original Latin

Suelto el halcón, procura librarse del cascabel, reconociendo en su ruido el peligro de su libertad, y que lleva consigo a quien le acusa, llamando con cualquier movimiento al cazador que lo recobre, aunque se retire en lo más oculto y secreto de las selvas. ¡Oh, a cuántos lo sonoro de sus virtudes y heroicos hechos les despertó la invidia y los redujo a dura servidumbre! No es menos peligrosa la buena fama que la mala. Nunca Milcíades hubiera en la prisión acabado infelizmente su vida, si, sordo y incógnito su valor a la fama, y moderando sus pensamientos altivos, se contentara con parecer igual a los demás ciudadanos de Atenas. Creció el aplauso de sus Vitorias, y, no pudiendo los ojos de la emulación resistir a los rayos de su fama, pasó a ser en aquella república sospecha lo que debiera ser estimación y agradecimiento. Temieron en sus cervices el yugo que imponía en la de sus enemigos, y más el peligro futuro y incierto de su infidelidad, que el presente (aunque mucho mayor) de aquellos que trataban de la ruina de la ciudad. No se consultan con la razón las sospechas, ni el recelo se detiene a ponderar las cosas ni a dejarse vencer del agradecimiento. Quiso más aquella república la prisión y infamia de un ciudadano, aunque benemérito della, que vivir todos en continuas sospechas.

Los cartagineses quitaron a Safón el gobierno de España, celosos de su valor y poder, y desterraron a Hanón, tan benemérito de aquella república, por la gloria de sus navegaciones. No pudo sufrir aquel senado tanta industria y valor en un ciudadano. Viéronle ser el primero en domar un león, y temieron que los domaría quien hacía tratables las fieras. Así premian hazañas y servicios las repúblicas. Ningún ciudadano cuenta por suyo el honor o beneficio que recibe la comunidad. La ofensa, sí, o la sospecha. Pocos concurren con su voto para premiar, y todos le dan para condenar. El que se levanta entre los demás, ése peligra.

El celo de un ministro al bien público acusa el desamor de los demás; su inteligencia descubre la ignorancia ajena. De aquí nace el peligro de las finezas en el servicio del príncipe, y el ser la virtud y el valor perseguidos como delitos. Para huir este aborrecimiento y invidia, Salustio Crispo se fingía soñolento y para poco, aunque la fuerza de su ingenio era igual a los mayores negocios. Pero lo peor es que a veces el mismo príncipe siente que le quiebre el sueño el desvelo de su ministro, y le quisiera dormido como él. Por tanto, como hay hipocresía que finge virtudes y disimula vicios, así conviene que al contrario la haya para disimular el valor y apagar la fama. Tanto procuró ocultar Agrícola la suya (temeroso de la invidia de Domiciano), que los que le veían tan humilde y modesto, si no la presuponían, no la hallaban en su persona. Con tiempo reconoció este inconveniente Germánico, aunque no le valió, cuando, vencidas muchas naciones, levantó un trofeo, y advertido del peligro de'la fama, no puso en él su nombre. El suyo ocultó San Juan, cuando refirió el favor que le había hecho Jesús en la cena.

Yf si no fue política, fue modestia advertida. Aun los sueños de grandeza propia causan invidia entre los hermanos. La vida peligró en Josef, porque con más ingenuidad que recato refirió el sueño de los manojos de espigas que se humillaban al suyo, levantado entre los demás; que aun la sombra de la grandeza o el poder ser da cuidado a la invidia. Peligra la gloria en las propias virtudes y en los vicios ajenos. No se teme en los hombres el vicio, porque los hace esclavos. La virtud sí, porque los hace señores. Dominio tiene concedido de la misma naturaleza sobre los demás, y no quieren las repúblicas que este dominio se halle en uno, sino en todos repartido igualmente. Es la virtud una voluntaria tiranía de los ánimos.

No menos los arrebata que la fuerza. Y para los celos de las repúblicas lo mismo es que concurra el pueblo a la obediencia de uno por razón que por violencia. Antes aquella tiranía, por ser justa, es más peligrosa y sin reparo, lo cual dio causa y pretexto al ostracismo. Y por esto fue desterrado Arístides, en quien fue culpa el ser aplaudido por justo. El favor del pueblo es el más peligroso amigo de la virtud. Como delito se suele castigar su aclamación, como se castigó en Galeriano. Y así fueron siempre breves y infaustos los requiebros del pueblo romano, como se experimentó en Germánico. Ni las repúblicas ni los príncipes quieren que los ministros sean excelentes, sino suficientes para los negocios.

Esta causa dio Tácito al haber tenido Popeo Sabino por espacio de veinte y cuatro años el gobierno de las más principales provincias, Y así, es gran sabiduría ocultar la fama, excusando las demostraciones del valor, del entendimiento y de la grandeza, y teniendo entre cenizas los pensamientos altos. Aunque, es difícil empresa contener dentro del pecho a un espíritu generoso: llama que se descubre por todas partes y que ama la materia en que encenderse y lucir. Pero nos pueden animar los exemplos de varones grandes que de la dictadura volvieron al arado. Y los que no cupieron por las puertas de Roma y entraron triunfando por sus muros rotos, acompañados de trofeos y de naciones vencidas, se redujeron a humildes chozas, y allí los volvió a hallar su república. No topara tan presto con ellos, si no los vieran retirados de sus glorias, porque para alcanzallas es menester huillas. La fama y opinión se concibe mayor de quien se oculta a ella. Merecedor del imperio pareció Rubelio Plauto porque vivía retirado. No así en las monarquías, donde se sube porque se ha empezado a subir.

El príncipe estima, las repúblicas temen a los grandes varones. Aquél los alienta con mercedes, y éstas los humillan con ingratitudes. No es solamente en ellas temor de su libertad, sino también pretexto de la invidia y emulación. La autoridad y aplauso que está en todos es sospechoso . y invidiado cuando se ve en un ciudadano solo. Pocas veces sucede esto en los príncipes, porque no es la gloria del vasallo objeto de invidia a su grandeza. Antes se la atribuyen a sí como obrada por sus órdenes, en que fue notado el emperador Otón. Por esto los ministros advertidos deben atribuir los felices sucesos a su príncipe, escarmentado en Silio, que se gloriaba de haber tenido obedientes las legiones y que le debía Tiberio el imperio.

Con que cayó en su desgracia, juzgando que aquella jactancia disminuía su gloria y hacía su poder inferior al beneficio. Por lo mismo fue poco grato a Vespasiano Antonio Primo. Más recatado era Agrícola, que atribuía la gloria de sus hazañas a sus superiores. Lo cual le aseguraba de la invidia, y no le daba menos gloria que la arrogancia." Ilustre ejemplo dio Joab a todos los generales llamando, siempre que tenía apretada alguna ciudad, al rey David, que viniese con nueva gente sobre ella, para que a él se atribuyese el rendimiento. * Generosa fue la atención de los alemanes antiguos en honrar a sus príncipes, dándoles la gloria de sus mismas hazañas.

Por las razones dichas es más seguro el premio de los servicios hechos a un príncipe que a una república, y más fácil de ganar su gracia. Corren menos riesgo los errores contra aquél que contra ésta; porque la multitud ni disimula, ni perdona, ni se compadece. Tan animosa es en las resoluciones arriscadas como en las injustas; porque, repartido entre muchos el temor o la culpa, juzga cada uno que ni le ha de tocar el peligro ni manchar la infamia. No tiene la comunidad frente donde salgan los colores de la vergüenza como a la del príncipe, temiendo en su persona, y después en su fama y en la de sus descendientes, la infamia. Al príncipe lisonjean todos, proponiéndole lo más glorioso. En las repúblicas casi todos miran por la seguridad, pocos por el decoro. El príncipe ha menester satisfacer a sus vasallos; en la comunidad cesa este temor, porque todos concurren en el hecho. De aquí nace el ser las repúblicas (no hablo de aquellas que se equiparan a los reyes) poco seguras en la fe de los tratados, porque solamente tienen por justo lo que importa a su conservación y grandeza, o a la libertad que profesan, en que son todas supersticiosas.

Creen que adoran una verdadera libertad, y adoran a muchos ídolos tiranos. Todos piensan que mandan, y obedecen todos. Se previenen de triacas contra el dominio de uno y beben sin recelo el de muchos. Temen la tiranía de los de afuera, y desconocen la que padecen dentro. En todas sus partes suena libertad, y en ninguna se ve. Más está en la imaginación que en la verdad. Hagan las provincias rebeldes de Flandes paralelo entre la libertad que gozaron antes y la presente, y consideren bien si fue mayor, si padecieron entonces la servidumbre, los tributos y daños que agora. Ponderen los subditos de algunas repúblicas, y el mismo magistrado que domina, si pudiera haber tirano que les pusiese más duros hierros de servidumbre que los que ellos mismos se han puesto a título de cautelar más su libertad, no habiendo alguno que la goce y sea libre en sus acciones.

Todos viven esclavos de sus recelos. De sí mismo es tirano el magistrado, pudiéndose decir délias que viven sin señor, pero no con libertad; porque cuando más procuran soltar los nudos de la servidumbre, más se enlazan en ella.

Notes

  1. 1invidia is the period spelling of envidia (envy); rendered as envy.
  2. 2Vitorias is the period spelling of victorias (victories).
  3. 3infidelidad here means political disloyalty/treachery rather than religious unbelief.
  4. 4della = de ella (of it/her), referring to the republic.
  5. 5industria here is skill, diligence, and enterprise, not modern industrial activity.
  6. 6Así is bitterly ironic: exile and demotion are the 'reward' for service.
  7. 7Elliptical contrast with s5: citizens do take offense or suspicion as personal, even when they will not own shared honor.
  8. 8finezas: Golden Age sense of exquisite, distinguished acts of service or excellence, not mere politeness.
  9. 9la suya refers back to fama (fame/reputation) in the previous sentence.
  10. 10Normalized de'la to de la in the reading translated.
  11. 11El suyo continues the thread of nombre/fama: John withholds his own name in narrating the beloved disciple's place at the Last Supper.
  12. 12Source opens with 'Yf', almost certainly a print/OCR error for 'Y' ('And'), continuing the previous sentence about St. John concealing his name.
  13. 13'el poder ser' rendered as 'the mere chance of it' (the possibility of becoming great), not as raw power.
  14. 14'La virtud sí' completes the prior sentence's verb ('is feared'): virtue, unlike vice, is feared because it confers lordship.
  15. 15'voluntaria tiranía de los ánimos': virtue rules as a tyranny that minds accept willingly—not forced despotism.
  16. 16celos: political jealousy/suspicion guarding equality of power, not romantic jealousy.
  17. 17sin reparo: without remedy / irreparable; rendered as 'without remedy'.
  18. 18Galeriano retained as Galerianus; identity left for historical resolution.
  19. 19requiebros: fond compliments / flattering endearments; rendered as 'flatteries'.
  20. 20Alludes to the Roman type of Cincinnatus (and similar figures) who left supreme office for rural life.
  21. 21Source forms 'alcanzallas' and 'huillas' are early modern clitic spellings of alcanzarlas/huirlas ('attain them' / 'flee them'), referring back to the glories.
  22. 22Contrast with republics: under monarchy, preferment follows momentum once ascent has started, rather than the reputation earned by withdrawal.
  23. 23"su libertad" most naturally means the republics' own liberty (threatened by great men), not the liberty of the great men themselves.
  24. 24"notado" can mean either remarked upon or faulted; context of princely appropriation of glory favors "noted"/censured for claiming credit.
  25. 25Continues the preceding example of Silius under Tiberius. 'Beneficio' is the favor or service Silius claimed to have rendered in securing the empire; the boast made imperial power look lesser than that claimed debt.
  26. 26Source ends with a stray closing quotation mark after the period; treated as editorial noise and omitted from the English.
  27. 27Leading asterisk in the source is treated as an edition footnote marker, not part of the sentence.
  28. 28aquél / ésta pick up príncipe / república from s1: the prince and the republic.
  29. 29animosa and arriscadas: bold/spirited and daring-to-rash; 'she' = la multitud / the republic.
  30. 30frente donde salgan los colores de la vergüenza: figurative blush of shame on a single face; the community, as a body without one face, cannot blush the same way.
  31. 31decoro: public dignity, honor, and propriety, not mere etiquette.
  32. 32supersticiosas: not primarily religious superstition, but a blind, overzealous devotion to the liberty they claim; fe de los tratados = good faith / fidelity in treaties.
  33. 33triacas: theriacs/antidotes (against poison); the metaphor is medical—guarding against one ruler’s dominion as poison while freely swallowing that of the many.
  34. 34agora is older Spanish for ahora ('now'); rendered as 'today' for natural contemporary cadence.
  35. 35Source has 'subditos' without accent; sense is súbditos ('subjects').
  36. 36Source reading «délias» is treated as «de ellas» (of them/these republics), continuing the preceding sentence on republics and their magistrates; if another reading is intended, the deictic target would change.

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