Upon His Majesty's going to the House of Commons
The Misunderstood Intent
The King reflects on the public backlash following his attempt to arrest the five members, clarifying his motives and denying any intent to use force.
My trip to the House of Commons to demand justice against the five members was an act my enemies loaded with every insult and provocation they could dream up. It filled neutral observers with deep suspicion and fear; in fact, many of my friends resented it as a move that sprang more from passion than from reason, and one that wasn't guided by the discretion the touchiness of those times required.12 But these men didn't know the just motives and compelling grounds with which I thought myself so well equipped that nothing more was needed for such evidence as I could have produced against those I charged—except only a free and legal trial, which was all I desired.3 Nor did I feel any urge toward resentment or revenge against those men personally, further than that I had uncovered the (as I thought) unlawful correspondences they had carried on, and the commitments they had made to embroil my kingdoms—of all of which I came very close to producing writings in some men's own hands, who were the chief contrivers of the innovations that followed. Providence would not have it so; yet I didn't lack grounds strong enough to raise suspicions in any king's heart who isn't wholly stupid and neglectful of the public peace. To preserve that peace, my calling half a dozen men into question in a fair and legal way (which God knows was all I intended) could have come to no worse result, had it succeeded, than either doing justice to me and my kingdom if they had been found guilty, or else clearing their innocence and removing my suspicion—which, as those suspicions were not raised out of any malice, so neither was it reasonable for them to be smothered. The whole world can witness what flames of discontent this spark soon kindled, even though I tried every quick and available means to put it out. The accusations some people made about that action—as if I had planned to assault the House of Commons by force and invade their privilege—are so false that, as God knows, I had no such intent. Consequently, no one who was with me could justly take the slightest hint of such thoughts from anything I said or did at the time. It wasn't unusual for me to be escorted by a few gentlemen; for the dignity and safety of a king, it's standard to be attended that way, especially in restless times. At that moment, my followers were fewer than my usual guard, and they weren't nearly numerous enough to risk a violent clash. Nor were they more frightened by my coming than I was unsure I would escape some insults if I had no one with me to preserve respect for me: for many people had already, at that time, learned to hold those harsh thoughts which they have since poured out against me freely, both in words and in deeds.4 The sum of that business was this:
Appealing to the Divine Tribunal
The King shifts from political defense to spiritual reflection, committing his cause to God's judgment rather than the court of public opinion.
Those men and their followers were then looked on by the frightened common people as greater protectors of their laws and liberties than I was, and so more worthy of their protection. I leave them to God and their own consciences, who—if they are guilty of evil schemes—will not let any present impunity, or any popular defense of them, be cover enough to rescue them from those exacting tribunals.5 We must devoutly appeal to them when justice among people is obstructed, since for us Christians, they are proof of that later, unavoidable Judgment that will re-judge whatever among people is only corruptly decided, or not decided at all. I tried to prevent, if God had seen fit, those future upheavals which I foresaw would in all likelihood follow from some men's activity if they were not restrained—and which have now done so, to the ruin of many thousands; the more's the pity. But it was never my intention to intimidate the Houses or to undermine their legitimate authority through violent pressure. I believed my cause was so grounded in justice and reason that I wouldn't need such harsh tactics, and I was determined to endure any rebuff with patience rather than resort to such dangerous extremes.6
A Prayer for Vindication
The King concludes with a fervent prayer, asserting his innocence and asking God to plead his cause against his enemies.
But You, O Lord, are my witness in heaven and in my heart: if I have planned any violence or oppression against the innocent, or if there was any such wickedness in my thoughts. Then let the enemy persecute my soul, trample my life into the ground, and lay my honor in the dust. You who do not see as man sees, but look beyond all popular appearances, searching the heart and testing the inmost thoughts, and bringing to light the hidden things of darkness: show yourself.7 Don't let my afflictions be taken—as wise and godly people cannot take them—as any proof of my sin in that matter, any more than their impunity among good people is a sure sign of their innocence.8 But forgive them for the wrong they've done, even if they aren't punished for it in this world. Save your servant from the secret conspiracies and open violence of bloodthirsty and unreasonable men, according to the uprightness of my heart and the innocence of my hands in this matter.✦✦9 Plead my cause and uphold my right, O You who sit on the throne and judge rightly, so that Your servant may always rejoice in Your salvation.✦✦
Read the original Latin
My going to the House of Commons to demand Justice upon the five Members, was an act which my Enemies loaded with all the obloquies and exasperations they could.
It filled indifferent men with great jealousies and fears; yea, and many of my Friends resented it, as a motion rising rather from Passion then Reason, and not guided with such discretion as the touchiness of those times required.
But these men knew not the just motives, and pregnant grounds, with which I thought myself so furnished, that there needed nothing to such evidence, as I could have produced against those I charged, save onely a free and legall Trial, which was all I desired.
Nor had I any temptation of displeasure or revenge against those mens persons, further then I had discovered those (as I thought) unlawfull correspondencies they had used, and engagements they had made to embroyl my Kingdoms: of all which I missed but little to have produced Writings under some mens own hands, who were the chief contrivers of the following Innovations.
Providence would not have it so; yet I wanted not such probabilities as were sufficient to raise jealousies in any Kings heart, who is not wholly stupid and neglective of the publick Peace; which to preserve, my calling in question half a dozen men, in a fair and legall way (which God knows, was all my design) could have amounted to no worse effect, had it succeeded, then either to do Me and my Kingdom right, in case they had been found guilty; or else to have cleared their innocency, and removed my suspicion: which, as they were not raised out of any malice, so neither were they in reason to be smothered.
What flames of discontent this spark (though I sought by all speedy and possible means to quench it) soon kindled, all the world is witnesse: The aspersion which some men cast upon that action, as if I had designed by force to assault the House of Commons, and invade their Priviledge, is so false, that, as God best knows, I had no such intent; so none that attended Me could justly gather from any thing I then said or did, the least intimation of any such thoughts.
That I went attended with some Gentlemen, as it was no unwonted thing for the Majesty and safety of a King so to be attended, especially in discontented times; so were my Followers at that time short of my ordinary Guard, and no way proportionable to hazard a tumultuary conflict. Nor were they more scared at my coming, then I was unassured of not having some affronts cast upon me, if I had none to be with Me to preserve a reverence to Me: for many people had (at that time) learned to think those hard thoughts, which they have since abundantly vented against Me, both by words and deeds.
The sum of that businesse was this,
Those men and their adherents were then look'd upon by the affrighted vulgar, as greater Protectors of their Laws and Liberties then my Self, and so worthier of their protection. I leave them to God and their own Consciences, who, if guilty of evill machinations, no present impunity, or popular vindications of them will be subterfuge sufficient to rescue them from those exact Tribunals.
To which, in the obstructions of Justice among men, we must religiously appeal, as being an argument to us Christians of that after unavoidable Judgement, which shall re-judge what among men is but corruptly decided, or not at all.
I endeavoured to have prevented, if God had seen fit, those future commotions which I foresaw, would in all likelyhood follow some mens activity (if not restrained) and so now hath done to the undoing of many thousands; the more is the pity.
But to over-awe the freedom of the Houses, or to weaken their just Authority by any violent impressions upon them, was not at all my design: I thought I had so much Justice and Reason on my side, as should not have needed so rough assistance: and I was resolved rather to bear the repulse with patience, then to use such hazardous extremities.
But thou, O Lord art my witnesse in heaven, and in my Heart: If I have purposed any violence or oppression against the Innocent: or if there were any such wickednes in my thoughts.
Then let the enemy persecute my soul, and tread my life to the ground, and lay mine Honour in the dust.
Thou that seest not as man seeth, but lookest beyond all popular appearances, searching the heart, and trying the reins, and bringing to light the hidden things of darknesse, shew thy self.
Let not my afflictions be esteemed (as with wise and godly men they cannot be) any argument as my sin, in that matter: more then their Impunity among good men is any sure token of their Innocency.
But forgive them wherin they have done amiss, though they are not punished for it in this world.
Save thy servant from the privy conspiracies, and open violence of bloody and unreasonable men, according to the uprightness of my heart, and the innocency of my hands in this matter.
Plead my cause and maintain my right, O thou that sittest in the Throne, judging rightly, that thy servant may ever rejoyce in thy salvation.
Scripture echoes
- ↩Ps.86.2 — Guard my life, for I am faithful; save your servant who trusts in you — you are my God.
- ↩Ps.7.8 — The assembly of the peoples surrounds you; and upon it, on high, return.
- ↩Ps.35.1 — Contend, O LORD, with those who contend with me; fight against those who fight against me.
- ↩Ps.9.14 — Be gracious to me, O LORD; see my affliction from my enemies, you who lift me up from the gates of death.
Notes
- 1 ↩Period sense is neutral or uncommitted people, not people who did not care.
- 2 ↩Here jealousies means mistrustful suspicions, not envy.
- 3 ↩Early modern 'pregnant' here means weighty/cogent, not literal pregnancy; rendered as 'compelling'.
- 4 ↩Source 'then' is period spelling for modern 'than' in the comparative 'more scared...than I was unassured'.
- 5 ↩"Those exact Tribunals" points back to God and conscience as unfailing courts of judgment; "exact" is rendered as "exacting" to keep the sense of rigorous, precise accountability rather than mere punctuality.
- 6 ↩Source "then" is the Early Modern spelling of comparative "than" (rather…than); rendered as "than".
- 7 ↩Source “reins” is the biblical figure for the seat of motives and affections (not literal kidneys); rendered here as “inmost thoughts.”
- 8 ↩Source 'more then' is period spelling for 'more than' (comparative). 'Argument as my sin' is rendered as 'proof of my sin' (evidence of guilt, not a verbal dispute).
- 9 ↩Source 'bloody' means murderous/bloodthirsty, not the modern British intensifier; rendered as 'bloodthirsty' for clear contemporary sense.
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