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Eikon Basilike: The Pourtraicture of His Sacred Majestie in His Solitudes and Sufferings/Book 1 · Eikon Basilike: The Pourtraicture of His Sacred Majestie in His Solitudes and Sufferings
Chapter 17EikonBas.1.17

Of the differences between the King, and the two Houses, in point of Church-government

The Defense of Apostolic Order

The King defends the necessity and historical legitimacy of episcopal government against contemporary political innovations.

As for the government of the Church by bishops, the common suspicion has been that I'm earnest and resolute to maintain it not so much out of piety as out of policy and reason of state. In this respect, reason of state does indeed lead me to approve that form of government above any other, since I find it impossible for a prince to keep the state peaceful unless he has such influence over churchmen, and they such dependence on him, as can best restrain the seditious excesses of ministers' tongues—who with the keys of heaven also hold so far the keys of the people's hearts that by their oratory they do much to let in or shut out both peace and loyalty. Since God and the law have entrusted me, as King, with the well-being of both Church and State, I see no reason why I should give up or weaken through any change the power and influence that I ought to have over both by right and reason. Removing the bishops from the House of Peers (which I've written about elsewhere) was enough to dispel any suspicion that I favored them for the sake of their votes in state affairs. Though, in truth, I never thought any bishop worthy to sit in that House who wouldn't vote according to his conscience. I must now, in charity, be thought eager to preserve that government in its proper constitution as a matter of religion—a matter in which my judgment is fully satisfied that, of all others, it has the fullest grounds in Scripture, and also the constant practice of all Christian churches, until recent years, when the turbulence of the people, or the factiousness and pride of the presbyters, or the covetousness of some states and princes, gave some men's wits occasion to invent new models and propose them under the suspect titles of Christ's government, scepter, and kingdom, the better to serve the interests of those for whom the change was profitable. They must allow me—having none of their temptations to lure me into altering the government of bishops so that I might claim a title to the bishops' estates—not to believe their pretended grounds for any new ways. Those ways run contrary to the full and constant testimony of all histories, which is more than enough to convince unbiased men: that just as the primitive churches were undoubtedly governed by the apostles and their immediate successors, the first and best bishops, so it cannot in reason or charity be supposed that all the churches in the world were either ignorant of the rule those men prescribed, or so soon departed from their divine and holy pattern; and that since the first age, for fifteen hundred years, not one example can be produced of any settled church with many ministers and congregations that did not have some bishop over them, under whose jurisdiction and government they stood. Their constant and universal practice, agreeing with such large and evident Scripture directions and examples as are set down in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus, was for settling that government not only in the persons of Timothy and Titus, but in the succession (the lack of government being something the Church can no more do without for its well-being than it can do without the Word and Sacrament for its very being). I wonder how men came to look with so envious an eye on bishops' power and authority that they overlooked both the church's use of that power and the apostolic constitution that establishes it—which, as to the main purpose and design of those Epistles, seems to me no less clearly set out for settling a special office, power, and authority in them as presiding bishops above others, in matters of ordination, censures, and other acts of church discipline, than those shorter sketches of the qualities and duties of presbyter-bishops and deacons are described in some parts of the same Epistles; who, in the broad and shared sense of the name, were then, and may still not improperly be called bishops, as to the oversight and care of single congregations committed to them by the Apostles, or by those apostolic bishops who (like Timothy and Titus) succeeded them in that ordinary power assigned there over larger divisions in which there were many presbyters. The humility of those early bishops led them to avoid the lofty title of Apostles—a name that in the Church's usage had been set apart from its ordinary sense (a messenger, or one sent) and reserved for that special dignity which came with an extraordinary calling, mission, gifts, and power directly from Christ. They were content with the ordinary titles of bishops and presbyters, until custom—the great arbitrator of words and master of language—found reason to distinguish by a unique name those whose power and office were truly different from, and above, everyone else in the Church, as successors of the Apostles in the ordinary, ongoing authority to govern the churches (they had modestly, yet to their credit, declined the honor of the Apostles' name). Then all Christian churches, submitting to that special authority, also assigned the name bishop—without any suspicion or reproach of arrogance—to those who, by apostolic succession, were rightly descended from and invested with that highest and broadest power of governing even the purest and most primitive churches. Those churches, beyond all doubt, had many such holy bishops, after the pattern of Timothy and Titus. Their special power is not more clearly set out in those epistles—the chief grounds and limits of every episcopal claim by divine right—than are the marks of these perilous times and of the men who make them so. Unable to endure sound doctrine or the clear witness of the practice of all the churches, they are the most perverse disputers and proud usurpers against true episcopacy. Even if they aren't traitors and boasters, they still seem very greedy, reckless, and high-minded; disorderly and fierce; lovers of themselves—having much of the form of godliness, but little of its power.12 These are the ones who, through popular crowds of weak, shallow, and unlearned teachers, try to overlay and smother the weight and authority of that power of episcopal government which, beyond all equivocation and the common fallacy of mere names, is most convincingly established both by Scripture and by all later histories of the Church.3 I write this more like a theologian than a prince, so that posterity may see (if these papers are ever made public) that I had solid grounds—both from the canons of Scripture and from the Church's examples—on which my judgment was settled in favor of episcopal government.

Conscience and the Cost of Reform

The King reflects on the personal and national suffering caused by the dispute over church government and warns against the dangers of Presbyterian parity.

Nor was it any policy of state, or obstinacy of will, or partiality of affection—either toward the men or toward their office—that fixed me; they cannot, in worldly terms, be of such consequence to me as to make good the injuries and losses that I and my dearest relations, together with my kingdoms, have sustained and risked, chiefly at first, over this quarrel. And not only in religion—of which Scripture is the best rule, and the churches' universal practice the best commentary—but also in right reason and the true nature of government, it cannot be thought that an orderly subordination among presbyters or ministers should be any more against Christianity than it is in all secular and civil governments, where parity breeds confusion and faction. I can no more believe that such order is inconsistent with true religion than I can believe that good features are inconsistent with beauty, or numbers with harmony. Nor is it likely that God, who appointed several orders and a prelacy in the government of his Church among the Jewish priests, should abhor or forbid them among Christian ministers—who have as much of the principles of schism and division as other people. To prevent and suppress those things, the apostolic wisdom (which was divine), after Christians had multiplied into many congregations with presbyters among them, appointed this form of government, which might best preserve order and union with authority. I believe it wasn't the favor of princes or the ambition of presbyters, but the wisdom and piety of the Apostles that first established bishops in the Church—an authority they consistently exercised and required in those times that were the purest for religion, even if they were the sharpest for persecution. Not that I'm against vesting this presidency and authority in one man, exercised with the joint counsel and consent of many presbyters: I've offered to restore that arrangement as a fitting way to avoid those errors, corruptions, and partialities that any one person is liable to; also to avoid tyranny, which becomes no Christian, least of all churchmen; besides, it will take away that burden and the odium of affairs that can weigh too heavily on one man's shoulders, as indeed I think it once did on the bishops here. Nor can I see what could be more agreeable both to reason and to religion than such a structure or form of government that is paternal, not magisterial; and in which not only the need to avoid faction and confusion, rivalries and contempt—which so readily arise among equals in power and office—but also the differences in some ministers' gifts and aptitudes for government above others invite us to employ them according to those abilities in which they excel.4 Nor is this judgment of mine about episcopacy some closed prepossession of opinion that will not admit any opposition against it. It is well known I have tried to satisfy myself about what the chief patrons of other systems can say against this one, or for their own. And I find that, just as they have far less of Scripture grounds and of reason, so for examples and the practice of the Church, or the testimonies of histories, they are wholly destitute—and there the whole stream runs so strongly for episcopacy that there is not the least rivulet for any other way.5 As for those examples people thrust at us from some recently reformed churches (for many of them still keep bishops)—churches that the pressures of their times and circumstances rather excuse than commend for their nonconformity to all antiquity—I have never been able to see any reason why churches that have been orderly reformed and are governed by bishops should be forced to conform to those few, rather than to the catholic example of all the ancient churches, which needed no Reformation; and rather than to those churches today that, governed by bishops throughout the Christian world, are far more numerous than Presbyterians or Independents can claim to be—all of whom the churches in my three kingdoms, lately governed by bishops, would equal, I think, if not exceed.67 It isn't wise or an act of charity, when Christians disagree (as many do on certain points), to widen those gaps, while at the same time causing such a scandal to the entire Christian world regarding church government—with the exception of a few Protestants. Even if you manage to convince them of their errors in doctrine, you'll never persuade them that, to complete their Reformation, they must abandon and entirely cast off the form of government that they, and everyone before them, have always held to be catholic, primitive, and apostolic. This is so well-established that neither schismatics nor heretics (except for the Arians) have ever strayed from the unity and conformity of the Church on this point, as they have always maintained bishops over presbyters. Besides, the recent general approval of, and submission to, this government of bishops—by the clergy as well as the laity of these kingdoms—is a strong confirmation of my judgment; and their inconstancy is a heavy mark against their novelty. In charity I cannot so far doubt their learning or integrity as to suppose they didn't understand what they had done before, or that they had conformed against their consciences. So their easy pliability and levity can never be excused—those who, before the question of church government had ever had any free and impartial debate, contrary to their former oaths and practice, against their obedience to the laws then in force, and against my consent, have not only completely denounced government by bishops, but have approved and encouraged the violent and most illegal stripping of all the bishops, and of many other churchmen, of all their due authority and revenues, even to the selling away and utter alienation of those church lands from any ecclesiastical use. So great a power do the stream of the times and the dominance of factions have over some men's judgments—men of whose sudden and total change little reason can be given, besides the Scottish army's coming into England. But these men's folly will eventually punish itself, and those who desert episcopacy will prove to be the greatest enemies to—and betrayers of—their own interests. A Presbyterian system is never as significant or effective as when it is joined to, and crowned with, episcopacy. When it comes to thriving, all ministers will find as great a difference between the favor of the people and the favor of princes as plants do between being watered by hand and being watered by the sweet and generous dews of heaven. The meagerness and contempt of the clergy will soon show them what a poor carcass they are when cut off from the influence of that Head to whose Supremacy they have sworn.8

Integrity Under Pressure

The King asserts his firm resolve to protect the Church's rights and his own conscience against forced concessions and sacrilege.

A little moderation might have prevented great harm. I stand firm for primitive episcopacy, and I won't let it be rooted out if I can stop it.9 Calm judgment, free of passion, could easily reform whatever the rust of the times, the laxity of the laws, or the corruption of manners has brought upon it.10 It's a gross and common error to blame the office itself, or take revenge on the office, for the faults of the times or of particular persons—a seditious, crowd-pleasing principle and practice that all wise people abhor.11 As for these worldly additions and ornaments of authority—civil honor and estate—which my predecessors and Christian princes in every country have attached to bishops and churchmen: I regard them only as just rewards for the learning and piety of those fit for any degree of church government; also as means that equip them for works of charity and hospitality, and as fitting supports to their authority in the matter of respect and deference. In peaceful times that respect is scarcely paid to any governors by the measure of their virtues nearly so much as by the measure of their estates; poverty and low station expose them and their authority to the contempt of licentious minds and manners, which persecuting times greatly restrained. I would have as bishops those men who are most worthy of those rewards and best able to use them: if at any time my judgment of men failed, my good intention made my error venial. And I am sure I had some bishops whose learning, gravity, and piety no one of any standing or barefaced boldness can deny. But of all men, I would have churchmen—especially those who govern—rescued from that common neglect which, quite apart from the innate principle of vicious opposition that is in everyone against those who seem to reprove or restrain them, will necessarily follow both Presbyterian parity, which makes all ministers equal, and Independent inferiority, which sets their pastor below the people.1213 So much for my judgment regarding episcopacy, in which—God knows—I haven't twisted the truth in the slightest to satisfy any personal agenda or passion. I now appeal to God above and to the entire Christian world: is it just for subjects, or devout for Christians, to try to force me—their king and sovereign—through violence, endless indignities, and slavish restraints, to consent to their weak and divided novelties, against all the foundations of my judgment, as some have tried to do? The greatest pretender among them wants no more than I do: that the Church should be governed as Christ has appointed, according to true reason and Scripture—for which I could never see any plausible case for any other ways. Those who press other models either settle for the examples of some churches in their infancy and isolation, when one presbyter might serve one congregation in a city or countryside; or else they deny these most evident truths: that the Apostles were bishops over those presbyters they ordained, as well as over the churches they planted; and that this government, being necessary for the churches' well-being once they had multiplied and joined together, must also necessarily pass down from the Apostles to others after the example of that power and superiority they held over others—which could not end with their persons, since the use and purposes of such government still continue. It's certain that the purest, earliest, and best churches flourished under episcopacy. They could still flourish today if ignorance, superstition, greed, revenge, and other disorderly and disloyal passions hadn't so inflamed some men's minds against it that they make up for a lack of reason or historical precedent with violence and oppression. In that process, some men's zeal for the lands, houses, and revenues of bishops has driven them to devour episcopacy itself—which, however others may regard it, is to me no less a sin than sacrilege, or a robbery of God (the giver of all we have) of that portion which devout minds have gratefully given back to him by giving it to his Church and prophets; through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold water as a drink offering made to himself. Furthermore, regarding my unique obligation beyond other men, I am solemnly bound by an oath that aligns with my judgment to preserve that government and the rights of the Church. If I were convinced of the unlawfulness of that office as antichristian—which some men boldly but weakly slander it as being—I could soon, with sound judgment, break that oath, which I had taken in error. But as I am daily, by the best inquiry into the truth, more confirmed in the reason and religion of that to which I am sworn, how can any man who doesn't wish my damnation persuade me all at once into such notorious and combined sins as sacrilege and perjury? besides the many personal injustices I must do to many worthy men, who are as legally invested in their estates as any who seek to deprive them; and they have by no law been convicted of those crimes that might forfeit their estates and livelihoods. I have often wondered how men who claim to have a tender conscience and a desire for reform can tell me that my coronation oath binds me to consent to whatever they propose—which they press with such violence—even though that is contrary to all the rational and religious freedom every person ought to preserve, and which they seem so protective of in their own votes; and yet, at the same time, these men insist on persuading me that I must and ought to set aside, and flatly break, that part of my oath which binds me—according to the best light of reason and religion I have—to maintain the government and legal rights of the Church.14 It's strange that my lot should be treated as valid in that part which both I myself and all men, in their own case, consider injurious and unreasonable, as being against the very natural and essential liberty of our souls—and yet treated as invalid and fit to be broken in another clause, where I believe myself justly bound both to God and man.15 Yet it's mainly on this rack that I've been held so long, by some men's ambitious covetousness and sacrilegious cruelty—torturing, along with me, both Church and State in civil divisions—until I'm forced to consent and declare that I approve what, God knows, I utterly dislike and in my soul abhor as, in many ways, deeply against reason, justice, and religion; and even if I were to give my consent to that shamefully and dishonorably, I still wouldn't, by doing so, satisfy the divided interests and opinions of those parties that contend with each other as well as both against me and episcopacy. My recent concession to the Scots regarding church government shouldn't be held against me as a reason to agree to the same in my other kingdoms. You have to consider that episcopacy wasn't as deeply rooted or established there as it is here, nor was I as strictly bound to maintain it in that kingdom as I am in this one—because what I judge to be best isn't necessarily what I consider essential for every place and at every time.16 If anyone charges my yielding to them as my failing and sin, I can easily acknowledge it; but that is no argument for doing so again, or something much worse—I am now more convinced on that point. And indeed, my yielding to them has not been so fortunate and successful as to encourage me to grant the same to others. If I saw anything more of Christ—in meekness, justice, order, charity, and loyalty—in those who claimed other forms of government, I might suspect my judgment of being biased, or forestalled by prejudice and habit of opinion. But so far I've had so much reason to suspect the opposite in the conduct of many of those men that I can't gain from them even the least credit for their new ways of government. I don't see that in any Reformed churches—whose models are so loudly praised and forced upon the churches under my rule—learning, religion, or works of piety or charity have flourished so much more than they have in my own kingdoms (by God's blessing) that I should believe Presbyterianism or Independency has a more positive influence on the Church and on people's hearts and lives than episcopacy in its proper form. Its abuses deserve to be rooted out just as much as its use deserves to be kept; I think it's far better to hold to the primitive and uniform antiquity of the early Church than to go along with divided novelty.17 A rightly ordered episcopacy would at once satisfy all the just desires and interests of good bishops, humble presbyters, and sober people, so that church affairs would be managed neither by tyranny, nor by parity of ranks, nor by popular rule—neither bishops driven out, nor presbyters despised, nor the people oppressed.18 I hope God will preserve me in this integrity of both my judgment and conscience.

A Prayer for the Church

The King concludes with a fervent prayer for the protection of the Church and the restoration of order.

For you, O Lord, know my integrity and tenderness; as you have appointed me a Defender of the Faith and a Protector of your Church, do not let me be overpowered by any violence against my conscience. Arise, O Lord; maintain your own cause. Do not let your Church be deformed in that government which, derived from your Apostles, has been retained from the purest and earliest times—until the revenues of the Church became the object of worldly envy, which seeks to rob it of all the encouragements of learning and religion. Make me like the good Samaritan: compassionate and helpful to your afflicted Church, which some men have wounded and robbed, while others pass by without any regard to pity or relieve her. Just as my power came from you, give me the grace to use it for you. And though I'm not allowed to be master of my other rights as a king, still preserve me in that freedom of reason, love of religion, and care for your Church's welfare that are fixed in my conscience as a Christian. Protect the temporal blessings that your Providence has bestowed upon your Church for your glory from sacrilegious invasions. Forgive the sins and errors of those who have earned your just permission to let in the wild boar and the cunning foxes to waste and deform your vineyard, which your right hand planted and the dew of heaven has so long watered into a happy and flourishing state. O do not let me bear the infamous brand before all posterity of being the first Christian king in this kingdom who would consent to the oppression of your Church and its Fathers—whose errors I would rather, like Constantine, cover with silence and reform with meekness than expose their persons and sacred offices to public contempt.19 You, O Lord, see how much I have suffered with and for your Church. Do not delay long, O my God, to deliver both me and it from unreasonable men whose counsels have brought about, and still continue, such violent confusion by rashly destroying the ancient boundaries of the Church's peace, thereby letting in every kind of error, schism, and disorder. O God of order and of truth, in your good time abate the malice, calm the rage, and confound all the malicious schemes of your enemies, mine, and your Church's. So that I, and everyone who loves your Church, may sing your praises and forever magnify your salvation, even before the sons of men.

Read the original Latin

Touching the Government of the Church by Bishops, the common Jealousie hath been, that I am earnest and resolute to maintain it, not so much out of pietie, as policie, and reason of State.

Wherein so far indeed reason of State doth induce me to approve that Government above any other, as I find it impossible for a Prince to preserve the State in quiet, unlesse he hath such an influence upon Church-men, and they such a dependance on Him, as may best restraine the seditious exorbitancies of Ministers tongues; who with the Keyes of Heaven have so far the Keyes of the Peoples hearts, as they prevail much by their Oratory to let in, or shut out, both Peace and Loyalty.

So that I being (as King) intrusted by God, and the Lawes, with the good both of Church and State; I see no Reason I should give up, or weaken by any change, that power and influence which in right and reason I ought to have over both.

The moving Bishops out of the House of Peers (of which I have elswhere given an account) was sufficient to take off any suspicion, that I inclined to them for any use to be made of their Votes in State affaires: Though indeed I never thought any Bishop worthy to sit in that House, who would not Vote according to his Conscience.

I must now in Charity be thought desirous to preserve that Government in its Right constitution, as a matter of Religion; wherein both my judgement is fully satisfied, that it hath of all other the fullest Scripture grounds, and also the constant practise of all Christian Churches; till of late years, the tumultuarinesse of People, or the factiousnesse and pride of Presbyters, or the covetousnesse of some States and Princes, gave occasion to some mens wits to invent new models, and propose them under suspicious titles of Christs government, Scepter, and Kingdom; the better to serve their turns, to whom the change was beneficiall.

They must give me leave, having none of their temptations to invite me to alter the Government of Bishops, (that I may have a title to their Estates) not to beleeve their pretended grounds to any new waies: contrary to the full, and constant testimony of all Histories sufficiently convincing unbiased men; that as the Primitive Churches were undoubtedly governed by the Apostles and their immediate Successours the first & best Bishops: so it cannot in reason or charity be supposed, that all Churches in the world should either be ignorant of the rule by them prescribed, or so soon deviate from their divine & holy pattern: That since the first Age, for 1500 years not one Example can be produced of any setled Church, wherein were many Ministers and Congregations, which had not some Bishop above them, under whose jurisdiction and government they were.

Whose constant and universall practise agreeing with so large and evident Scripture-directions, and examples, are set down in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus, for the setling of that Government not in the persons onely Timothy and Titus, but in the succession; (the want of Government being that, which the Church can no more dispence with, in point of wel-being, then the want of the word and Sacrament in point of being.)

I wonder how men came to looke with so envious an eye upon Bishops power and authority, as to over-see both the Ecclesiasticall use of them, and Apostolicall constitution: which to me seems no lesse evidently set forth, as to the maine scope and designe of those Epistles, for the setling of a peculiar Office, Power, and Authority in them as President-Bishops above others, in point of Ordination, Censures, and other acts of Ecclesiasticall discipline; then those shorter characters of the qualities and duties of Presbyter-Bishops, and Deacons are described in some parts of the same Epistles; who in the latitude & community of the name were then, and may now not improperly be called Bishops; as to the oversight and care of single Congregations, committed to them by the Apostles, or those Apostolicall Bishops, who (as Timothy and Titus) succeeded them, in that ordinary power, there assigned over larger divisions in which were many presbyters.

The humility of those first Bishops avoiding the eminent title of Apostles as a name in the Churches stile appropriated from its common notion (of a Messenger, or one sent) to that speciall dignity, which had extraordinary call, mission, gifts and power immediately from Christ: they contented themselves with the ordinary titles of Bishops and Presbyters, until Use (the great Arbitrator of words, and Master of language) finding reason to distinguish by a peculiar name those persons, whose Power and Office were indeed distinct from, and above all other in the Church, as succeeding the Apostles in the ordinary and constant power of governing the Churches, (the honour of whose name they moderately, yet commendably declined) all Christian Churches (submitting to that special Authority) appropriated also the name of Bishop, without any suspicion or reproach of arrogancie, to those who were by Apostolicall propagation rightly descended and invested into that highest and largest power of governing even the most pure and Primitive Churches: which, without all doubt, had many such holy Bishops, after the pattern of Timothy and Titus; whose special power is not more clearly set down in those Epistles (the chief grounds and limits of all Episcopall claim, as from divine Right) then are the characters of these perilous times and those men that make them such; who not enduring sound Doctrine, and clear testimonies of all Churches practice, are most perverse Disputers, and proud Usurpers, against true Episcopacy: who if they be not Traytours and Boasters, yet they seem to be very covetous, heady, high-minded; inordinate and fierce, lovers of themselves, having much of the form, little of the power of godlinesse.

Who, by popular heaps of weak, light, and unlearned Teachers, seek to over-lay and smother the pregnancy & authority of that power of Episcopall Government, which, beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacy of names, is most convincingly set forth, both by Scripture, and all after Histories of the Church.

This I write rather like a Divine, then a Prince, that Posterity may see (if ever these papers be publique) that I had faire grounds both from Scripture-Canons, and Ecclesiasticall examples whereon my judgement was stated for Episcopall Government.

Nor was it any pollicy of State or obstinacy of will, or partiallity of affection, either to the men, or their Function which fixed me; who cannot in point of worldly respects be so considerable to me as to recompence the injuries and losses I and my dearest relations with my Kingdomes have sustained, and hazarded, chiefly at first upon this quarrell.

And not only in Religion, of which, Scripture is the best rule, and the Churches Universall practise the best commentary, but also in right reason, and the true nature of Government, it cannot be thought, that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters, or Ministers, should be any more against Christianity, then it is in all secular and civill Governments, where Parity breeds confusion and faction.

I can no more beleeve, that such Order is inconsistent with true Religion, then good features are with beautie, or numbers with harmonie.

Nor is it likely that God, who appointed several Orders, and a Prelacy, in the Government of his Church among the Jewish Priests, should abhor or forbid them amongst Christian Ministers; who have as much of the principles of Schism and division as other men; for preventing and suppressing of which, the Apostolical wisdom (which was Divine) after that Christians were multiplied to many Congregations, and Presbyters with them appointed this way of Government, which might best preserve Order and Union with Authority.

So that, I conceive, it was not the favour of Princes, or ambition of Presbyters; but the wisdom and piety of the Apostles, that first settled Bishops in the Church; which Authority they constantly used and enjoyned in those times, which were purest for Religion, though sharpest for Persecution.

Not that I am against the managing of this Presidency and Authority in one man, by the joynt Councell and consent of many Presbyters: I have offered to restore that, as a fit meanes to avoid those Errours, Corruptions, and Partialities, which are incident to any one man: Also to avoid Tyranny, which becoms no Christians, least of all Church-men; besides, it will be a means to take away that burden, and odium of affairs, which may lie too heavy on one mans shoulders, as indeed I think it formerly did on the Bishops here.

Nor can I see what can be more agreeable both to Reason and Religion, then such a frame or Government which is paternall, not Magistericall; and wherein not onely the necessity of avoiding Faction and Confusion, Emulations and Contempts, which are prone to arise among equals in power and function; but also the differences of some Ministers gifts, and aptitudes for Government above others, doth invite to imploy them, in reference to those Abilities wherin they are Eminent.

Nor is this judgement of mine touching Episcopacy, any re-occupation of opinion, which will not admit any oppositions against it: It is well known I have endeavoured to satisfie my self in what the chief Patrons for other wayes can say against this, or for theirs: And I find they have, as far lesse of Scripture grounds, and of Reason; so for examples, and practice of the Church, or testimonies of Histories, they are wholly destitute; wherein the whole stream runs so for Episcopacy, that there is not the least rivulet for any others.

As for those obtruded examples of some late reformed Churches (for many retain Bishops still) whom necessity of Times and Affairs rather excuseth, then commendeth for their inconformity to all Antiquity; I could never see any reason why Churches orderly reformed, and governed by Bishops, should be forced to conform to those few, rather then to the catholick Example of all ancient Churches, which needed no Reformation: And to those Churches at this day, who governed by Bishops in all the Christian world, are many more then Presbyterians or Independents can pretend to be; All whom the Churches in my three Kingdoms, lately Governed by Bishops, would equalize (I think) if not exceed.

Nor is it any point of wisdom or charitie, where Christians differ (as many do in some points) there to widen the differences, and at once to give all the Christian world (except an handfull of some Protestants) so great a scandall in point of Church-Government; whom, though you may convince of their Errours in some points of Doctrine; yet you shall never perswade them, that to compleat their Reformation, they must necessarily desert, and wholly cast off that Government, which they, and all before them have ever owned as Catholick, Primitive, and Apostolical, so far, that never Schismaticks nor Hereticks (except those Arrians) have strayed from the Unitie and Conformitie of the Church in that point; ever having Bishops above Presbyters.

Besides, the late generall approbation and submission to this Government of Bishops, by the Clergy, as well as the Laitie of these Kingdomes, is a great confirmation of my Judgment; and their inconstancie is a great prejudice against their noveltie: I cannot in charity so far doubt of their Learning or Integrity, as if they understood not what heretofore they did; or that they did conform contrary to their Consciences: So that their facility and levity is never to be excused, who, before ever the point of Church-government had any free & impartiall Debate, contrary to their former Oathes and Practice, against their obedience to the Lawes in force, and against my Consent, have not onely quite cryed down the Government by Bishops; but have approved and incouraged the violent and most illegall stripping all the Bishops, and many other Church-men, of all their due Authority and Revenues, even to the selling away, and utter alienation of those Church-lands from any Ecclesiastical uses: So great a power hath the stream of times, and the prevalency of parties over some mens judgments; of whose so sudden and so total change, little reason can be given, besides the Scots Armie coming into England.

But the folly of these men will at last punish it self, and the Desertors of Episcopacy will appear the greatest Enemies to, and Betrayers of their own Interest: For Presbytery is never so considerable or effectuall, as when it is joyned to, and crowned with Episcopacy. All Ministers wil find as great a difference in point of thriving, between the favour of the people, and of Princes, as plants do between being watered by hand, or by the sweet and liberall dews of Heaven.

The tenuity and contempt of Clergy-men will soon let them see, what a poor carcasse they are, when parted from the influence of that Head, to whose Supremacy they have been sworn.

A little moderation might have prevented great mischiefs. I am firm to primitive Episcopacie, not to have it extirpated (if I can hinder it.) Discretion without passion might easily reform what-ever the rust of Times, or indulgence of Laws, or corruption of Manners have brought upon it. It being a grosse vulgar errour, to impute to, or revenge upon the Function, the faults of Times or Persons; which seditious and popular principle and practice all wise men abhor.

For these secular Additaments and Ornaments of Authority, Civil Honour and Estate, which my Predecessours and Christian Princes in all Countries have annexed to Bishops and Church-men; I look upon them but as just rewards of their learning and piety, who are fit to be in any degree of Church-Government: also enablements to works of Charitie and Hospitality, meet strengthnings of their Authoritie in point of respect and observance; which in peacefull Times is hardly paid to any Governours by the measure of their Vertues, so much, as by that of their Estates; Povertie and meanness exposing them and their Authority to the contempt of licentious mindes and manners, which persecuting Times much restrained.

I would have such men Bishops, as are most worthy of those encouragements, and best able to use them: if at any time my judgment of men failed, my good intention made my errour veniall: And some Bishops, I am sure, I had, whose learning, gravitie, and pietie, no men of any worth or forehead can deny: But, of all men, I would have Church-men, especially the Governours, to be redeemed from that vulgar neglect; (which besides an innate principle of vitious opposition, which is in all men against those that seem to reprove, or restrain them) will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian parity, which makes all Ministers equall; and the Independent inferiority, which sets their Pastor below the People.

This for My judgment touching Episcopacy, wherein (Gods knows) I doe not gratifie any design or passion with the least perverting of Truth.

And now I appeal to God above, and all the Christian world, whether it be just for Subjects, or pious for Christians, by violence, and infinite indignities, with servile restraints to seek to force Me their KING and Soveraign, as some men have endevoured to doe, against all these grounds of my Judgment, to consent to their weak and divided novelties.

The greatest Pretender of them desires not more than I doe, That the Church should be governed, as Christ hath appointed, in true Reason, and in Scripture; of which, I could never see any probable shew for any other waies: who either content themselves with the examples of some Churches in their infancy and solitude; when one Presbyter might serve one Congregation, in a City or Countrey; or else they deny these most evident Truths, That the Apostles were Bishops over Those Presbyters they ordained, as well as over the Churches they planted; and that Government being necessary for the Churches wel-being when multiplied and sociated, must also necessarily descend from the Apostles to others, after the example of that power and Superiority they had above others: which could not end with their Persons, since the use and ends of such Government still continue.

It is most sure, that the purest Primitive and best Churches flourished under Episcopacy; and may so still, if ignorance, superstition, avarice, revenge, and other disorderly and disloyal passions had not so blown up some mens minds against it, that what they want of Reasons or primitive Patterns, they supply with violence and oppressions; wherein some mens zeal for Bishops Lands, Houses and Revenues hath set them on work to eat up Episcopacy: which (however other men esteem) to Me is no lesse sin then Sacriledge, or a robbery of God (the giver of all we have) of that portion which devout minds have thankfully given again to him, in giving it to his Church and Prophets; through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold water, as a libation offered to himself.

Furthermore, as to my particular Engagement above other men, by an Oath agreeable to my judgement, I am solemnly obliged to preserve that Government, and the rights of the Church.

Were I convinced of the unlawfullnesse of the Function, as Antichristian, (which some men boldly, but weakly calumniate) I could soone, with Judgement, breake that Oath, which erroneously was taken by me.

But being daily by the best disquisition of truth, more confirmed in the reason and Religion of that, to which I am sworn; How can any man that wisheth not my damnation, perswade me at once to so notorious and combined sins, of Sacriledge & Perjury? besides the many personall Injustices I must doe to many worthy men, who are as legally invested in their Estates, as any, who seeke to deprive them; and they have by no Law, been convicted of those crimes, which might forfeit their Estates and Lively-hoods.

I have often wondred how men pretending to tendernesse of Conscience and Reformation, can at once tell me, that my Coronation Oath binds me to Consent to whatsoever they shall propound to Me (which they urge with such violence) though contrary to all that Rationall and Religious freedom which every man ought to preserve, & of which they seem so tender in their own Votes: yet at the same time these men will needs perswade Me. That I must, and ought to dispense with, and roundly break that part of my Oath, which binds Me (agreeable to the best light of Reason and Religion I have) to maintain the Government, and legall Rights of the Church. 'Tis strange, my lot should be valid in that part, which both my Self, and all men in their own case, esteem injurious and unreasonable, as being against the very naturall and essentiall libertie of our Souls; yet it should be invalid, and to be broken in another clause, wherein I think my Self justly obliged both to God and Man.

Yet upon this Rack chiefly have I been held so long, by some mens ambitious Covetousnesse, and sacrilegious Cruelty; torturing (with Me) both Church and State in Civill Dissentions, til I shall be forced to consent, and declare that I do approve, what (God knows) I utterly dislike, and in my Soul abhor, as many wayes highly against Reason, Justice, and Religion: and whereto, if I should shamefully and dishonorably give my consent; yet should I not by so doing, satisfie the divided Interests and Opinions of those Parties, which contend with each other, as well as both against Me and Episcopacy.

Nor can my late condescending to the Scots in point of Church-Government, be rightly objected against me, as an inducement for me, to consent to the like in my other Kingdoms; For it should be considered, That Episcopacie was not so rooted and setled there, as 'tis here; nor I (in that respect) so strictly bound to continue it in that Kingdom, as in this; for what I think in my judgment best, I may not think so absolutely necessary for all places, and at all times.

If any shall impute my yeelding to them as my failing and sin, I can easily acknowledge it; but that is no argument to do so again, or much worse; I being now more convinced in that point: nor indeed, hath my yeelding to them been so happy and successfull, as to encourage me to grant the like to others.

Did I see any thing more of Christ, as to Meeknesse, Justice, Order, Charity, and Loyaltie in those that pretended to other modes of Government, I might suspect my Judgment to be biassed, or fore-stalled with some prejudice and wontednesse of opinion: but I have hitherto so much cause to suspect the contrary in the manners of many of those men, that I cannot from them gain the least reputation for their new ways of Government.

Nor can I find, that in any Reformed Churches (whose patterns are so cried up, and obtruded upon the Churches under my Dominion) that either Learning, or Religion, works of Piety or Charity, have so flourished beyond what they have done in my Kingdoms (by Gods blessing) which might make me believe either Presbytery or Independency have a more benigne influence upon the Church and mens hearts and lives, then Episcopacy in its right constitution.

The abuses of which, deserve to be extirpated, as much as the use retained; for I think it farre better to hold to primitive and uniforme Antiquity, then to comply with divided novelty.

A right Episcopacy would at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good Bishops, humble presbyters, and sober People; so as Church affaires should be managed neither with tyrannie, paritie nor popularitie; neither Bishops ejected, nor presbyters dispised, nor People oppressed,

And in this integrity both of my Judgement and Conscience, I hope God will preserve me.

For thou, O Lord, knowest my uprightnesse, and tendernesse, as thou hast set me to be a Defender of the Faith, and a Protectour of thy Church, so suffer me not by any violence, to be overborne against my Conscience.

Arise O Lord, maintain thine own Cause, let not thy Church be deformed, as to that Government, which derived from thy Apostles, hath been retained in purest and primitive times, till the Revenues of the Church became the object of secular envie; Which seeks to rob it of all the incouragements of Learning and Religion.

Make me as the good Samaritan, compassionate and helpfull to thy afflicted Church; which some men have wounded and robb'd; others pass by without regard, either to pitie or relieve.

As my power was from thee, so give me grace to use it for thee.

And though I am not suffered to be Master of my other Rights as a KING; yet preserve me in that libertie of Reason, love of Religion, and thy Churches welfare which are fixed in my Conscience as a Christian.

Preserve from sacrilegious Invasions, those temporall blessings, which thy Providence hath bestowed on thy Church for thy glorie.

Forgive their sins and errours, who have deserved thy just permission, thus to let in the wilde Boar and subtil Foxes, to waste and deform thy Vineyard, which thy right hand hath planted, and the dew of heaven so long watered to a happy and flourishing estate.

O let me not bear the infamous brand to all Posteritie, of being the first Christian KING, in this Kingdom, who should consent to the oppression of thy Church, and the Fathers of it; whose errours I would rather, with Constantine, cover with silence, and reform with meeknesse, then expose their persons, and sacred Functions to vulgar contempt.

Thou, O Lord, seest how much I have suffered with, and for thy Church; make no long tarrying O my God to deliver both me and it, from unreasonable men whose counsels have brought forth, and continue such violent confusions, by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries of the Churches peace; thereby letting in all manner of errours, scismes and disorders.

O thou God of order, and of truth, in thy good time abate the malice, asswage the rage, and confound all the mischievous devises of thine, mine, and thy Churches enemies.

That I, and all that love thy Church, may sing prayses to thee, and ever magnifie thy salvation, even before the sons of men.

Scripture echoes

  1. Matt.16.19I will give you the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatever you loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven.
  2. Ps.74.22Rise up, God, plead your cause; remember the scorn of the fool all day long.
  3. Luke.10.25-Luke.10.37And behold, a certain lawyer stood up, testing him, saying, 'Teacher, what shall I do to inherit eternal life?' Luke.10.26 — But he said to him, 'What is written in the law? How do you read it?' Luke.10.27 — And he answered, "You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your strength, and with all your mind; and your neighbor as yourself." Luke.10.28 — And he said to him, "You have answered correctly. Do this, and you will live." Luke.10.29 — But he, wanting to justify himself, said to Jesus, 'And who is my neighbor?' Luke.10.30 — Jesus replied, "A certain man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho, and fell among robbers, who stripped him and beat him and went away, leaving him half dead." Luke.10.31 — Now by coincidence a certain priest was going down that road, and when he saw him, he passed by on the other side. Luke.10.32 — In the same way also a Levite, when he came to the place and saw him, passed by on the other side. Luke.10.33 — But a certain Samaritan, traveling that way, came upon him, and when he saw him, he was moved with compassion. Luke.10.34 — and went to him and bound up his wounds, pouring on oil and wine. Then he set him on his own animal, brought him to an inn, and took care of him. Luke.10.35 — And on the next day, he took out two denarii and gave them to the innkeeper, and said, 'Take care of him, and whatever more you spend, I will repay you when I come back.' Luke.10.36 — Which of these three, do you think, proved to be a neighbor to the one who fell among the robbers? Luke.10.37 — He said, 'The one who showed him mercy.' And Jesus said to him, 'Go and do likewise.'
  4. 1Cor.14.33For God is not a God of disorder but of peace, as in all the churches of the saints.

Notes

  1. 1Early Modern 'then' in 'not more clearly set down... then are' is comparative 'than', not temporal 'then'.
  2. 2Closing catalogue of vices (traitors, boasters, covetous, heady, high-minded, lovers of themselves; form vs. power of godliness) deliberately echoes the Pastoral portrait of the last days; wording kept close to preserve that allusion.
  3. 3Early modern 'pregnancy' here means weight, force, or cogency (as in a 'pregnant' argument), not literal pregnancy; rendered as 'weight'.
  4. 4Source contrast: paternal vs. magisterial (Early Modern 'paternall' / 'Magistericall')—fatherly pastoral oversight as against lordly, master-like rule.
  5. 5Early modern 're-occupation' here is taken as preoccupation/prepossession: a mind already seized by an opinion and unwilling to hear counters. Not 'reoccupation' in the modern sense of occupying again.
  6. 6Source “then” is the period’s comparative “than” (excuseth then commendeth; rather then; many more then). Rendered as “than” throughout.
  7. 7“catholick Example” is kept as “catholic example” in the universal/primitive sense (not Roman confession alone), matching the chapter’s argument from antiquity and worldwide episcopacy.
  8. 8Source 'tenuity' means thinness or slightness of substance and standing; rendered as 'meagerness' to keep the bodily contrast with 'carcass' and the political-ecclesiastical point about clergy reduced without the Head.
  9. 9Primitive episcopacy means the ancient, early-church form of government by bishops, as distinct from later elaborations or from abolishing the office.
  10. 10indulgence of Laws rendered as laxity of the laws (lenient or slack legal enforcement/allowance), not personal self-indulgence.
  11. 11Function = the episcopal office as such, not any one holder of it. popular = demagogic / aimed at the crowd, not merely 'well liked'.
  12. 12Early modern 'forehead' here means brazen face or impudence; 'worth or forehead' covers both reputable men and the shamelessly bold.
  13. 13Kept as 'venial' in the technical sense of pardonable/excusable error, not mortal guilt.
  14. 14'dispense with' kept as 'set aside' (waive/release), paired with 'roundly break' as 'flatly break' for the force of outright violation.
  15. 15Source 'lot' retained as 'lot' (allotted portion/condition of the binding). If a witness reads 'oath', sense would align even more tightly with s1–s2; translation follows the supplied normalized text.
  16. 16Source 'condescending' means yielding or granting a concession (not modern 'patronizing').
  17. 17“Primitive … antiquity” is kept in a modern register for the early, original, and uniform practice of the ancient Church, not for anything crude or backward.
  18. 18In the seventeenth-century church-government debate, 'parity' means flat equality of clerical rank (without bishops), and 'popularity' means popular or congregational control of church affairs—not modern 'being popular.'
  19. 19Source 'then' is Early Modern spelling for comparative 'than' (cover/reform rather than expose). 'Vulgar contempt' is rendered as public contempt (common/popular scorn), not crude language.

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