Upon the Calling in of the Scots, and their Coming
The Burden of Foreign Intervention
The King reflects on the ingratitude of the Scots and the folly of using military force to impose religious conformity.
The Scots are a people to whom I have not only the ordinary ties of nature, sovereignty, and generosity that I share with my father of blessed memory, but also special and recent obligations of favor—having granted the active spirits among them so much that I seemed to many to put that party's desires ahead of my own interest and honor. But I see that royal generosity emboldens some men to ask and act beyond all bounds of modesty and gratitude. My charity, and the Act of Pacification, forbid me to dwell on former dealings—in which I will always be far from letting any man's ingratitude or fickleness make me regret what I granted them for the public good. I pray God it may prove so. That party's coming back into England with an army only to force this Church to conform to their recent new model cannot help but seem as unreasonable as they would have thought the same measure if it had been offered from here to them. I could never understand that they had any other errand—aside from those common, cheap flourishes about Religion and Liberty—except to fix the Presbyterian model they had set, by making this Church write after them, even if it had to be in bloody characters. Whether that design and aim will justify the use of such violent means before divine Justice, I leave to the consciences of those who have already felt the misery of the means, but have not reaped the benefit of the end, either in this kingdom or in that one. Such knots and cross-grained resistance have been met with here that they will hardly let the form they promote as the only just reformation—and as the settling of government and discipline in the churches—go as smoothly here as it might in Scotland, and as they imagined it would have done in England when so many of the English clergy, through levity or discontent, if not some worse passion, suddenly abandoned their former commitments to episcopacy and swung around to their Presbyterian system. It looks more like passion or self-interest than true zeal and pious discretion for any foreign state or church to prescribe for others only the remedies they’ve used—more successfully than commendably—without considering that the same medicine will have different effects on different constitutions: what might kill one person could cure another. Nor do I know of any such stubborn and malignant humors in the constitution of the English Church that gentler remedies than those of an army might not easily have removed. Nor is it as proper to carve out religious reformations by the sword as to polish them through fair and equal debate among those most concerned in the differences—whom not force, but reason, ought to convince.12 But their plan now seemed more to cut off all debate here than to secure a fair and equal one. For it was decided there that the English clergy must conform to the Scots' pattern before they could ever be heard—what they might say for themselves, or against the other side's way. I could have wished for fairer proceedings—both for the credit of those who press these things with such violence, and for other men's consciences as well, who can find little satisfaction in points maintained by soldiers fighting in the field rather than by scholars debating in free and learned synods. Certainly, in matters of religion, those truths win the most ground with people's judgments and consciences that are least pressed by secular violence—which weakens truth with prejudices—and such force is unreasonable to use until means of rational conviction have been applied that leave no excuse for ignorance and so condemn people's obstinacy to the penalties it deserves.
Conscience and the Church
The King defends the English Church against forced Presbyterianism, asserting that true reform requires reason and consent rather than coercion.
No charity would readily suspect that of so many learned and devout churchmen in England—men who, having always been raised under and loyal to episcopal government, cannot so quickly renounce both their former opinion and practice merely because that Scottish party insists on using force to help a like party here either drive all ministers like sheep into the common fold of Presbyterianism, or destroy them—or at least fleece them by stripping them of the benefit of their flocks. Even if Scottish sole Presbyterianism were accepted as the only institution of Jesus Christ for the government of all churches, I still believe it would be hard to prove that Christ had given those Scots—or any other of my subjects—a commission by the sword to set it up in any of my kingdoms without my consent. It's very clear in the Gospel what respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles paid to the chief governors of the states where they lived; but that he or they ever commanded such a parity of presbyters to be set up, and in such a way as those Scots are attempting—that, I think, is not really open to dispute. If Presbytery with that kind of supremacy is an institution of Christ, it certainly differs from all others. It is the first and only point of Christianity that had to be planted and watered with so much Christian blood—blood that flowed in a direction so contrary to that of the early founders of both Christianity and episcopacy, who did their work by patiently shedding their own blood, not by violently drawing other men's. Surely there is too much of man in it to have much of Christ; none of his institutions were carried on, or begun, with the temptations of greed or ambition—both of which this is strongly suspected of. Yet of all that those Scots had, by army or by commissioners, to move me with—through their many solemn appeals and pious threats—there was never anything to the point except this alone: to put before me the extraordinary necessity of setting up their Presbytery in England, so as to avoid the further miseries of a war that some men had first begun chiefly for this design, and had now bound themselves still further to continue.3 What’s to stop any sects, schisms, or heresies—if they can only gain numbers, strength, and opportunity—from establishing their own ways through these same methods of violence, following this very opinion and pattern? All of that is what Presbytery seeks to suppress and make odious under those names—when wise and learned men think that nothing has more marks of schism and sectarianism than this Presbyterian way, both as regards the ancient and still most universal form of church government, and especially as regards the particular laws and constitutions of this English Church, which have not yet been repealed and are not likely to be by me until I see more rational and religious motives than soldiers usually carry in their knapsacks.45 But we must leave the success of everything to God. He has many ways—once he has drawn us away from the folly of our opinions and the fury of our passions—to teach us those rules of true reason and peaceable wisdom that come from above, which tend most to God's glory and his Church's good. I feel all the more bound in conscience to attend to these rules with the most judicious zeal and care, the more I esteem the Church above the State, the glory of Christ above my own, and the salvation of men's souls above the preservation of their bodies and estates. Nor, I think, may anyone—without sin and presumption—forcibly try to cast the churches under my care and guardianship into the molds they've imagined and shaped for their own designs, until they've first gained my consent and settled both my conscience and other people's by the strength of their reasons. Other violent moves, which are neither manly, Christian, nor loyal, will never either shake or settle my religion, or anyone else's who knows what religion means—and how far it stands from every faction, whose proper instrument is force, the arbiter of beasts, not of reasonable men, much less of humble Christians and loyal subjects, in matters of religion.
The Vanity of Political Schemes
The King observes the instability of factions that rely on force and expresses hope for the eventual return of his subjects' loyalty.
But people are prone to such a high opinion of themselves that they don't care what cost they spend on their opinions—especially those who have some temptation of gain to make up for their losses and risks. Yet I was no more scandalized by the Scottish armies coming in against my will, and by their forfeiting so many obligations of duty and gratitude to me, than I wondered how those here could so deeply distrust God's help—people who so strongly professed God's cause to the people, as if they had the certainty of some divine revelation—considering they were more than adequately supplied with my subjects' arms and ammunition, my navy at sea, and my forts, castles, and cities on land. But I find that people who are anxious about whether their actions and plans can be justified before God never think they have enough human strength to carry their work through, no matter how plausible it may seem to others; what cannot be justified in law and religion must be fortified with power.6 And yet such is the fickleness that goes with every mind caught up in violent upheaval that those whom some of them earnestly invite in for a while to come and help them, others of them soon grow weary of and cast out with disgust. What one party thought to fix into a settled state by the strength and influence of the Scots, the other rejects and scorns—despising at once the Scots' Kirk government and discipline, and frustrating the success of assistance so costly it was more expense than charity. For surely the Church of England might have bought, at a far cheaper rate, the truth and happiness of Reformed government and discipline (if those had been lacking), even if it had brought in the best theologians in Christendom for their advice in a full and free Synod—which I was always willing to hold and eager for, so that matters, settled impartially, might be more satisfactory to all and more lasting.78 But much of God's justice and human folly will eventually be exposed, despite the thin coverings and pretenses of religion that politicians use to wrap up their schemes; it's useless for people to hope to build their piety on the ruins of loyalty. Nor can those considerations or schemes last, when subjects go bankrupt of their allegiance under the pretense of setting up a quicker trade in religion.9 But just as my best subjects in Scotland never deserted me, I cannot believe that most of them have gone so far from me—so wasteful of their love and regard—that I should despair of their return. For besides the bonds of nature and conscience that bind them to me, all reason and true policy will teach them that their chief interest lies in fidelity to the Crown, not in being useful to any party of the people by neglecting and betraying my safety and honor for their own advantage. However little reason I have to trust in men, the more I will apply myself to God.
A Prayer for Deliverance
The King concludes with a series of petitions, casting his cause and the Church upon God's mercy and justice.
The troubles of my soul have grown great, O Lord; bring me out of my distress.✦ Lord, guide your servant in the ways of that godly simplicity which is the best policy. Deliver me from the combined strength of those who have so much of the serpent's subtlety that they forget the dove's innocence. Though hand join in hand, yet let them not prevail against my soul, so as to make me betray my conscience and honor.✦ You, O Lord, can turn the hearts of those in both nations, just as you did the men of Judah and Israel, to restore David with as much loyal zeal as they once pursued him with inconstancy and eagerness.✦ Preserve in me the love of your truth and uprightness, and I will not despair of my subjects' affections returning toward me. You can quickly make the overflowing seas ebb and pull back within the boundaries you've set for them.✦ My God, I trust in you; don't let me be put to shame, and don't let my enemies triumph over me.✦ Let those who transgress without cause be put to shame; let those who persecute my soul be turned back.✦ Let integrity and uprightness preserve me, for I wait on you, O Lord. Redeem your Church, O God, from all its troubles.✦
Read the original Latin
The Scots are a Nation, upon whom I have not onely common ties of Nature, Soveraignty, and Bounty, with My Father of blessed memory; but also speciall and late obligations of favours, having gratified the active Spirits among them so far, that I seemed to many to prefer the desires of that party, before My own interest and honor. But, I see, Royall bountie emboldens some men to ask, and act beyond all bounds of modesty and gratitude.
My charity, and Act of Pacification, forbids Me to reflect on former passages, wherin I shal ever be far from letting any mans ingratitude, or inconstancy, make me repent of what I granted them for the publique good: I pray God it may so prove.
The coming again of that Party into England, with an Army only to conforme this Church to their late New model, cannot but seem as unreasonable, as they would have thought the same measure offered from hence to themselves.
Other errand I could never understand, they had, (besides those common and vulgar flourishes for Religion and Liberty) save only to confirme the Presbyterian Copy they had set, by making this Church to write after them, though it were in bloudy Characters.
Which design and end, whether it will justifie the use of such violent means, before the divine Justice, I leave to their Consciences to judge, who have already felt the misery of the means, but not reaped the benefit of the end, either in this Kingdom, or that.
Such knots and crosseness of grain being objected here, as will hardly suffer that form which they cry up, as the only just reformation, and settling of Government and Discipline in Churches to go on so smoothly here, as it might do in Scotland; and was by them imagined would have done in England, when so many of the English Clergy, through levity, or discontent, if no worse passion, suddenly quitted their former engagements to Episcopacy, and faced about to their Presbytery.
It cannot but seem either passion, or some self-seeking, more then true Zeal, and pious discretion, for any forraign State or Church to prescribe such medicins only for others, which themselves have used, rather successefully then commendably; not considering that the same Physick on different constitutions, will have different operations: That may kill one, which doth but cure another.
Nor do I know any such tough and malignant humours in the constitution of the English Church, which gentler applications then those of an Army, might not easily have removed: Nor is it so proper to hew out Religious Reformations by the sword, as to polish them by fair & equal disputations among those that are most concerned in the differences, whom not force, but reason ought to convince.
But their design now seemed rather to cut off all disputation here, then to procure a fair and equal one: For it was concluded there, That the English Clergy must conform to the Scots pattern before ever they could be heard, what they could say for themselves, or against the others way.
I could have wished fairer proceedings both for their credits, who urge things with such violence; and for other mens Consciences too; who can receive litle satisfaction in these points which are maintained rather by Souldiers fighting in the Field, then Scholars disputing in free and learned Synods.
Sure in matters of Religion those truths gain most on mens Judgments and Consciences, which are least urged with secular violence, which weakens truth with prejudices; and is unreasonable to be used, till such means of rational conviction hath been applied, as leaving no excuse for ignorance, condemns mens obstinacy to deserved penalties.
Which no charity will easily suspect of so many learned and pious Church-men in England; who being alwaies bred up, and conformable to the Government of Episcopacy, cannot so soon renounce both their former opinion & practice, only because that Party of the Scots will needs, by force assist a like Party here, either to drive all Ministers as sheep, into the common fold of Presbyterie, or destroy them; at least fleece them, by depriving them of the benefit of their Flocks. If the Scotch sole Presbyterie were approved to be the only Institution of Jesus Christ, for all Churches Government; yet I beleeve it would be hard to prove that Christ had given those Scots, or any other of my Subjects, Comission by the Sword, to set it up in any of my Kingdomes, without my consent.
What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles payd to the chief governors of States, where they lived, is very cleer in the Gospel: but that he, or they ever commanded to set up such a parity of Presbyters, and in such a way as those Scots endeavour, I think is not very disputable.
If Presbyterie in such a Supremacy be an institution of Christ, sure it differs from all others: and is the first and only point of Christianity, that was to be planted and watered with so much Christian bloud; whose effusions run in a stream so contrary to that of the Primitive planters, both of Christianity and Episcopacy, which was with patient shedding of their own bloud, not violently drawing other mens: sure there is too much of Man in it, to have much of Christ; none of whose institutions were carried on, or begun with the temptations of Covetousness or Ambition, of both which this is vehemently suspected.
Yet was there never any thing upon the point which those Scots had by an Army or Commissioners to move Me with, by their many Solemn obtestations, and pious threatnings, but only this, to represent to me the wonderful necessity of setting up their Presbytery in England, to avoid the further miseries of a War, which some men chiefly on this design at first had begun, & now further engaged themselves to continue.
What hinders that any Sects, Schisms, or Heresies, if they can get but numbers, strength and opportunity, may not, according to this opinion and pattern, set up their wayes by the like methods of violence? all which Presbitery seeks to suppresse, & render odious under those names: when wise & learned men think, that nothing hath more marks of Schism, and Sectarism, then this Presbyterian way, both as to the Ancient, and still most Universal way of the Church-government, and especially as to the particular Laws and Constitutions of this English Church, which are not yet repealed, nor are like to be for me, till I see more Rational and Religious motives, then Souldiers use to carry in their Knapsacks.
But we must leave the successe of all to God, who hath many wayes (having first taken us off from the folly of our opinions, and fury of our passion) to teach us those rules of true Reason, and peaceable Wisdom, which is from above, tending most to Gods glory, and his Churches good: which I think my self so much the more bound in Conscience to attend, with the most judicious zeal and care, by how much I esteem the Church above the State, the glory of Christ above mine Own: and the Salvation of mens Souls above the preservation of their Bodies and Estates.
Nor may any men, I think, without sin and presumption, forcibly endeavour to cast the Churches under my care and tuition, into the moulds they have fancied, & fashioned to their designs, till they have first gained my consent, and resolved, both mine own and other mens Consciences by the strength of their Reasons.
Other violent motions, w^{ch} are neither Manly, Christian, nor Loyal, shall never either shake or settle my Religion, nor any mans else who knows what Religion means: And how far it is removed from all Faction, whose proper engine is force, the arbitrator of beasts, not of reasonable men, much lesse of humble Christians, and loyal Subjects, in matters of Religion.
But men are prone to have such high conceits of themselves, that they care not what cost they lay out upon their opinions: especially those that have some temptation of gain, to recompence their losses and hazards.
Yet I was not more scandalized at the Scots Armies coming in against my will, and their forfeiture of so many obligations of duty, and gratitude to me: then I wondred how those here, could so much distrust Gods assistance, who so much pretended Gods cause to the people, as if they had the certainty of some divine Revelation; considering they were more then competently furnished with my Subjects Arms and Ammunition, my Navie by Sea, my Forts, Castles and Cities by Land.
But I finde that men jealous of the Justificableness of their doings, and designs before God, never thinke they have humane strength enough to carry their work on, seem it never so plausible to the people; what cannot be justified in Law and Religion, had need to be fortified with power.
And yet such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in violent motion, that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to come in to their assistance; others of them soon after are weary of, and with nauseating cast them out: what one party thought to rivet to a setlednes by the strength and influence of the Scots, that the other rejects and contemns; at once, despising the Kirk-government, & discipline of the Scots, and frustrating the successe of so chargeable, more then charitable assistance: For, sure the Church of England might have purchased at a far cheaper rate, the Truth & happines of Reformed Government and Discipline (if it had been wanting) though it had entertained the best Divines of Christendom for their advice in a ful & free Synod; which, I was ever willing to, and desirous of, that matters being impartially setled, might be more satisfactory to all, and more durable.
But much of Gods justice, & mans folly will at length be discovered, through all the filmes and pretentions of Religion, in which Polititians wrap up their designes: in vaine do men hope to build their Piety on the Ruines of loyalty. Nor can those considerations or designes be durable, when Subjects make bankrupt of their Allegiance, under pretence of setting up a quicker trade for Religion.
But, as my best Subjects of Scotland never deserted me, so I cannot think that the most are gone so far from me, in a prodigality of their love and respects towards me, as to make me to despair of their return; when besides the bonds of Nature and Conscience which they have to me, all Reason and true Policy will teach them, That their chiefest interest consists in their fidelity to the Crown, not in their serviceableness to any Party of the People, to a neglect and betraying of my Safety and Honor for their own advantages: However the lesse cause I have to trust to men, the more I shall apply my Self to God.
The Troubles of my Soul are enlarged, O Lord, bring thou me out of my distresse.
Lord direct thy Servant in the ways of that pious simplicity, which is the best policie.
Deliver me from the combined strength of those, who have so much of the Serpents subtilty, that they forget the Doves Innocency.
Though hand joyn in hand, yet let them not prevail against my Soul, to the betraying of my Conscience and Honour.
Thou, O Lord, canst turn the hearts of those Parties in both Nations, as thou didst the men of Judah and ISRAEL, to restore David with as much loyal zeal, as they did with inconstancy and eagernesse pursue him.
Preserve the love of thy truth and uprightness in me, and I shall not despair of My Subjects affections returning towards me.
Thou canst soon cause the overflowing Seas to ebbe, and retire back again to the bounds which thou hast appointed for them.
O My God, I trust in thee; let me not be ashamed; let not my enemies triumph over me.
Let them be ashamed who transgress without a cause; let them be turned back that persecute my soul.
Let integrity and uprightness preserve me, for I wait on thee O Lord.
Redeem thy Church, O God, out of all its Troubles.
Scripture echoes
- ↩Ps.25.17 — The troubles of my heart have grown wide; bring me out of my distresses.
- ↩Prov.11.21 — Hand to hand, the wicked will not go unpunished; but the offspring of the righteous will escape.
- ↩Prov.21.1;2Sam.19.14 — The king's heart is like channels of water in the hand of the LORD; he turns it wherever he wills. 2Sam.19.14 — And to Amasa you shall say, 'Are you not my own bone and my own flesh? May God do so to me and may He add to it, if you shall not be commander of the army before me all the days, in place of Joab.'
- ↩Job.38.8-Job.38.11;Ps.104.9;Jer.5.22;Prov.8.29 — and he shut up the sea with doors, when it burst forth, issuing from the womb; Job.38.9 — when I made cloud its garment, and thick darkness its swaddling band Job.38.10 — and I shattered upon it my decree, and I set a bar and doors; Job.38.11 — And I said, 'Thus far you shall come, and no farther; here your proud waves will be stayed.' Ps.104.9 — You set a boundary they shall not cross, nor shall they return to cover the earth. Jer.5.22 — Do you not fear me? declares the LORD. Do you not tremble before me? I placed the sand as a boundary for the sea, a perpetual decree that it cannot pass. Though its waves toss, they cannot prevail; though they roar, they cannot pass it. Prov.8.29 — When he set the sea its boundary, so that the waters would not pass his command, when he marked out the foundations of the earth,
- ↩Ps.25.2 — My God, in you I trust; let me not be put to shame. Let not my enemies exult over me.
- ↩Ps.25.3 — Indeed, all who wait for you shall not be put to shame; those who are treacherous shall be put to shame, empty-handed.
- ↩Ps.25.22 — Redeem Israel, O God, from all their troubles.
Notes
- 1 ↩Early modern 'humours' keeps the medical-body metaphor from the previous section (physick/constitutions); rendered as 'humors' rather than flattened to mere 'tempers' or 'ills'.
- 2 ↩Source 'then' read as comparative 'than' ('gentler applications than those of an Army'), standard early-modern orthography.
- 3 ↩Early modern 'wonderful' here means astonishing/extraordinary, not merely admirable; rendered 'extraordinary' to keep the rhetorical force without sounding casual.
- 4 ↩Source 'all which' is a loose early-modern relative; rendered as 'All of that' pointing back to the established order branded under the names of sects, schisms, and heresies.
- 5 ↩Source 'then' is the early-modern spelling of 'than' in both comparative clauses.
- 6 ↩Early Modern 'jealous of' here means anxiously concerned about, not envious; 'Justificableness' = justifiability before God; 'humane strength' = human strength (not 'humane' in the modern sense).
- 7 ↩Early modern 'chargeable' means costly/expensive; the phrase is a pointed contrast—help that cost more than it gave in charity. Rendered as 'so costly it was more expense than charity' to keep the wordplay without archaism.
- 8 ↩Kept 'Kirk' as the historical Scottish term for Presbyterian church government, not flattened to a generic 'church government,' which would blur the English/Scottish ecclesiastical contrast in the chapter.
- 9 ↩Source 'make bankrupt of their Allegiance' keeps the commercial metaphor (forfeit/spend allegiance to insolvency); 'quicker trade for Religion' treats religion as a market venture rather than true devotion.
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