Upon the 19 Propositions first sent to the King, and more afterwards

Although there be many things, they demand, yet if these be all, I am glad to see at what price they set my own safety, and my peoples peace; which I cannot think I buy at too dear a rate, save only the parting with my Conscience and Honor. If nothing else will satisfie, I must chuse rather to be as miserable and inglorious, as My enemies can make or wish me.

Some things here propounded to me have been offered by me; others are easily granted; The rest (I think) ought not to be obtruded upon me, with the point of the sword; nor urged with the injuries of a Warr; when I have already declared that I cannot yeeld to them, without violating my Conscience: 'tis strange, there can be no method of peace, but by making war upon my soul.

Here are many things required of me, but I see nothing offer'd to me, by the way of gratefull Exchange of Honour; or any requitall or those favours, I have, or can yet grant them.

This Honour they do me, to put Me on the giving part, which is more princely and divine. They cannot ask more then I can give, may I but reserve to my Self the incommunicable Jewell of my Conscience; and not be forced to part with that, whose loss nothing can repair or requite.

Some things (which they are pleased to propound) seem unreasonable to Me; and while I have any mastery of my Reason, how can they think I can consent to them; who know they are such as are inconsistent with being either a King, or a good Christian? My yeilding so much (as I have already) makes some men confident I will deny nothing.

The love I have of my peoples peace, hath (indeed) great influence upon Me; but the love of truth and inward peace hath more.

Should I grant some things they require, I should not so much weaken my outward state of a King, as wound that inward quiet of my Conscience; which ought to be, is, and ever shall be (by Gods Grace) dearer to Me then my Kingdoms.

Some things which a King might approve, yet in Honour and Policy are at some time to be denied, to some men, lest he should seem not to dare to deny any thing; and give too much incouragement to unreasonable demands or importunities.

But to bind my Self to a generall and implicite consent to what-ever they shall desire or propound, (for such is one of their Propositions) were such a latitude of blind obedience, as never was expected from any Free-men, nor fit to be required of any man, much less of a King by his own Subjects; any of whom he may possibly exceed as much in wisdom, as he doth in place and power.

This were, as if Samson should have consented, not only to bind his own hands, and cut off his hair, but to put out his own eys, that the Philistins might with the more safety mock and abuse him; which they chose rather to do, then quite destroy him, when he was become so tame an object, and fit occasion for their sport and scorn.

Certainly, to exclude all power of denyall, seems an arrogancy least of all becoming those who pretend to make their Addresses in an humble and loyall way of petitioning; who by that, sufficiently confess their own inferiority, which obligeth them to rest, if not satisfied, yet quieted, with such an Answer as the Will and Reason of their Superiour thinks fit to give; who is acknowledged to have a freedom and power of Reason, to Consent or Dissent, else it were very foolish and absurd to ask, what another having not liberty to deny, neither hath power to grant.

But if this be my Right belonging to Me, in Reason as a Man, and in Honour as a Soveraign King (as undoubtedly it doth) how can it be other then extreme injury to confine my Reason to a necessity of granting all they have a mind to ask, whose minds may be as differing from mine, both in reason and honour, as their aims may be, and their qualities are? which last God and the Laws have sufficiently distinguisht, making me their Soveraign, and them my Subjects: whose Propositions may soon prove violent oppositions, if once they gain to be necessary impositions upon the Regall Authority; Since no man seeks to limit and confine his King in Reason, who hath not a secret aim to share with him, or usurp upon him in Power and Dominion.

But they would have me trust to their moderation, and abandon mine own discretion; that so I might verifie what representations some have made of me to the world, that I am fitter to be their Pupil then their Prince. Truly, I am not so confident of my own sufficiency, as not willingly to admit the Counsel of others: But yet I am not so diffident of my self, as brutishly to submit to any mans dictates, and at once to betray the Soveraignty of Reason in my soul, and the Majesty of my own Crown to any of my Subjects.

Least of all have I any ground of credulity, to induce me fully to submit to all the desires of those men, who will not admit, or do refuse, and neglect to vindicate the freedom of their own and others Sitting and Voting in Parliament.

Besides, all men that knew them, knew this, how young States-men the most part of these propounders are; so that till experience of one seven years have shewed me how well they can govern themselves, and so much power as is wrested from me, I should be very foolish indeed, and unfaithful in my Trust, to put the reins of both Reason and Government wholly out of my Own, into their hands, whose driving is already too much like Jehues; and whose forwardnesse to ascend the throne of Supremacie pretends more of Phaeton then of Phebus; God divert the Omen of his will.

They may remember that at best they sit in Parliament, as my Subjects, not my Superiours: called to be My Counsellours, not Dictatours: Their Summons extends to recommend their Advice, not to command my Dutie.

When I first heard of Propositions to be sent me, I expected either some good Laws which had been antiquated by the course of time, or overlaid by the corruption of manners, had been desired to a restauration of their vigour and due execution; or some evil Customs preterlegall, and abuses personall had been to be removed: or some injuries done by my Self, and others, to the Common-weal, were to be repaired: or some equable offertures were to be tendred to Me, wherein the advantages of my Crown being considered by them, might fairly induce me to condescend to what tended to my Subjects good, without any great diminution of my Self, whom Nature, Law, Reason and Religion binde Me (in the first place) to preserve; without which 'tis impossible to preserve my people according to my place.

Or (at least) I looked for such moderate desires of due Reformation of what was (indeed) amisse in Church and State, as might still preserve the foundation and essentials of Government in both; not shake and quite overthrow either of them, without any regard to the Laws in force, the wisdom and piety of former Parliaments, the ancient, and universall practice of Christian Churches; the Rights and Priviledges of particular men: Nor yet any thing offered in lieu, or in the room of what must be destroyed, which might at once reach the good end of the others Institution, and also supply its pretended defects, reform its abuses, and satisfie sober and wise men, not with soft and specious words, pretending zeal, and special piety, but with pregnant and solid Reasons, both divine and humane, which might justifie the abruptnesse and necessity of such vast Alterations.

But in all their Propositions I can observe little of these kindes, or to these ends: Nothing of any Laws dis-jointed, which are to be restored; of any right invaded; of any justice to be unobstructed; of any compensations to be made; of any impartiall Reformation to be granted: to all or any of which Reason, Religion, true Policy, or any other humane motives might induce Me.

But as to the main matters propounded by them at any time, in which is either great novelty or difficulty, I perceive, that what were formerly look'd upon as Factions in the State, and Schisms in the Church, and so punishable by the Laws, have now the confidence, by vulgar clamours, and assistance (chiefly) to demand not onely Tolerations of themselves, in their vanity, novelty, and confusion; but also Abolition of the Laws against them, and a totall extirpation of that Government, whose Rights they have a mind to invade.

This as to the main: Other Propositions are (for the most part) but as waste paper in which those are wrapped up, to present them somewhat more handsomly.

Nor do I so much wonder at the variety, and horrible noveltie of some Propositions, (there being nothing so monstrous, which some fancies are not prone to long for).

This casts me into, not an admiration, but an extasie, how such things should have the fortune to be propounded in the name of the two Houses of the Parliament of England, among whom, I am very confident, there was not a fourth part of the Members of either House, whose Judgements free, single and apart did approve or desire such destructive changes in the Government of the Church.

I am perswaded there remains in far the Major part of both Houses (if free and full) so much Learning, Reason, Religion, and just Moderation, as to know how to sever between the use and the abuse of things, the institution and the corruption, the Government and the mis-government, the Primitive Patterns and the aberrations or blottings of after-Copies.

Sure they could not at all, upon so little, or no Reason (as yet produced to the contrary) so soon renounce all regard to the Laws in force, to antiquity, to the piety of their Reforming progenitors, to the prosperity of former times in this Church and State, under the present Government of the Church.

Yet, by a strange fatality, these men suffer, either by their absence, or silence, or negligence, or supine credulity (beleeving that all is good, which is guilded with shewes of Zeal and Reformation) their private dissenting in Judgement to be drawn into the common sewer or streame of the present vogue and humour; which hath its chief rise and abetment from those popular clamors and tumults: which served to give life and strength to the infinite activity of those men, who studied with all diligence, and policy, to improve to their innovating designes, the present distractions.

Such Armies of Propositions having so little, in my judgment, of Reason, Justice, and Religion on their side, as they had Tumult and Faction for their rise, must not go alone, but ever be backt and seconded, with Armies of Souldiers; Though the second should prevaile against my Person, yet that first shall never overcome me further then I see cause; for, I look not at their number and power, so much as I weigh their Reason and Justice.

Had the two Houses first sued out their Livery, and once effectually redeemed themselves from the Wardship of the Tumults, (which can be no other then the Hounds that attend the cry and hollow of those men, who hunt after factions and private Designes, to the ruine of Church and State.)

Did my Judgement tell Me, that the propositions sent to Me were the Results of the major part of their Votes, who exercise their freedom, as well as they have a right to sit in Parliament: I should then suspect my Own judgment, for not speedily and fully concurring with every one of them.

For, I have charity enough to think there are wise men among them: and humility to think, that, as in some things I may want, so 'tis fit I should use their advice, which is the end for which I called them to a Parliament. But yet I cannot allow their wisdom such a compleatness and inerrability as to exclude my Self; since none of them hath that part to act, that Trust to discharge, nor that Estate and Honour to preserve, as my Self; without whose Reason concurrent with theirs (as the Suns influence is necessary in all Natures, productions) they cannot beget, or bring forth any one compleat and authoritative Act of publick wisdom, which makes the Laws.

But the unreasonableness of some Propositions is not more evident to me then this is, That they are not the joynt and free desires of those in their Major number, who are of right to Sit and Vote in Parliament.

For, many of them favour very strong of that old leaven of Innovations, masked under the name of Reformation; (which in my Two last famous Predecessours days heaved, at, and sometime threatned both Prince and Parliaments:) But, I am sure, was never wont so far to infect the whole masse of the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom; how-ever it dispersed among the Vulgar: Nor was it likely so suddenly to taint the Major part of both Houses, as that they should unanimously desire, and effect so enormous and dangerous innovations in Church and State, contrary to their former education, practice, and judgment.

Not that I am ignorant, how the choice of many Members was carried by much Faction in the Countries; some thirsting after nothing more then a passionate revenge of what-ever displeasure they had conceived against Me, my Court, or the Clergy.

But all Reason bids me impute these sudden and vast desires of change to those few, who armed themselves with the many-headed, and many-handed Tumults.

No less doth Reason, Honour, and Safety both of Church and State command me to chew such morsels before I let them down; If the straitness of my Conscience will not give me leave to swallow down such Camels, as others do, of Sacriledge, and injustice both to God and man, they have no more cause to quarrell with me, then for this, that my throat is not so wide as theirs. Yet, by Gods help, I am resolved, That nothing of passion or peevishnesse, or list to contradict, or vanity to shew my negative power, shall have any byas upon my judgment, to make me gratifie my will, by denying any thing which my Reason and Conscience commands me not.

Nor on the other side, will I consent to more then Reason, Justice, Honor and Religion perswade me to be, for Gods glory, the Churches good, my Peoples welfare, and my own peace.

I will study to satisfie my Parliament, and my People; but I will never for fear, or flatterie gratifie any Faction, how potent soever; for this were to nourish the disease, and oppresse the body.

Although many mens loyalty and prudence are terrified from giving me, that free and faithfull counsel, which they are able and willing to impart, and I may want; yet none can hinder me from craving of the councell of that mighty Counsellor who can both suggest what is best, and incline my heart stedfastly to follow it.

O thou first and eternal Reason; whose wisdom is fortified with omnipotencie, furnish thy servant, first with clear discoveries of Truth, Reason and Justice in My understanding; then so confirm my will and resolution to adhere to them, that no terrors, injuries or oppressions of mine enemies may ever inforce me against those rules, which thou by them hast planted in My Conscience.

Thou never madest me a King, that I should be less then a Man; and not dare to say, Yea, or Nay, as I see cause; which freedom is not denied to the meanest creature that hath the use of Reason, and liberty of speech.

Shall that be blameable in me, which is commendable veracity and constancy in others?

Thou seest, O Lord, with what partiallity, and injustice, they deny that freedom to me their KING, which Thou hast given to all men; and which Themselves pertinaciously challenge to themselves, while they are so tender of the least breach of their priviledges.

To thee I make my supplication, who canst guide us by an unerring rule, through the perplexed Labyrinths of our own thoughts, and other mens Proposals; which I have some cause to suspect, are purposely cast as snares, that by My granting or denying them, I might be more entangled in those difficulties, wherewith they lie in wait to afflict me.

O Lord, make thy way plain before Me.

Let not my own sinful passions cloud, or divert thy sacred suggestions.

Let thy Glory be my end, thy Word my rule, and then thy will be done.

I cannot please all, I care not to please some men; if I may be happie to please thee, I need not fear whom I displease.

Thou that makest the wisdome of the world foolishnesse, and takest in their own devices, such as are wise in their own conceits, make Me wise by thy Truth, for thy honor, my Kingdoms generall good, and my own souls salvation, and I shall not much regard the worlds opinion or diminution of Me.

The lesse of wisdome they are willing to impute to Me, the more they shall be convinced of thy Wisdom directing Me, while I deny nothing fit to be granted, out of crosnesse or humour; nor grant any thing which is to be denied, out of any fear or flatterie of men.

Suffer me not to be guiltie or unhappie, by willing or inconsiderate advancing any mens designes, which are injurious to the publique good, while I confirm them by My consent.

Nor let Me be any occasion to hinder or defraud the Publick of what is best, by any morose or perverse dissentings.

Make Me so humbly charitable, as to follow their advice, when it appears to be for the publick good; of whose affections to me, I have yet but few evidencies to assure Me.

Thou canst as well blesse honest errours, as blast fraudulent counsels.

Since we must give an account of every evill and idle word in private, at thy Tribunall; Lord make me carefull of those solemne Declarations of mine which are like to have the greatest influence upon the Publique, either for woe, or weale.

The lesse others consider what they aske, make me the more solicitous what I answer.

Though Mine own, and My Peoples pressures are grievous, and peace would be very pleasing; yet Lord, never suffer Me to avoid the one, or purchase the other, with the least expense or wast of my Conscience; whereof thou, O Lord, onely art deservedly more Master then my self.